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NAPOLEON    THE    THIRD 


PRINTED     BY 

SP0TT1SVV00DE    AND    CO.,     NEW-STREET    SQUARE 

LONDON 


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■pta/zA/s&u.  j^E^z).£2)^u^ienf..  £/,  Sdwisy,  iSpfe 


THE    LIFE 


OF 


NAPOLEON   THE   THIRD 


BY 


ARCHIBALD    FORBES,    LL.D. 


WITH    THIRTY-SEVEN    ILLUSTRATIONS 


LONDON 

C  H  A  T  T  O     &     W  I  N  D  1 

1898 


CONTENTS 


CHAPTER  PAGE 

I.     Parentage — Birth — Childhood   .  i 

II.     Exile — Boyhood  —  Adolescence  —  Insurrectionist — 

Conspirator 20 

III.     Travelling  in  Disguise — France — England — Return 

to  Arenenberg 39 

IV.     The  Attempt  on  Strasburg 59 

V.     The  Fiasco  of  Boulogne 83 

VI.     From  Prisoner  to  President 106 

VII.     The  Coup  d'Atat .126 

VIII.  Emperor  of  the  French  .......   148 

IX.     The  Crimean  War 169 

X.  The  Italian  Campaign  of  1859        .         .         .         .     .   190 

XI.    The  Mexican  Tragedy 212 

XII.  Constitutional  Reforms — Sadowa  and  Luxemburg  .  235 

XIII.  The  Outbreak  of  the  Franco-German  War  .     .  258 

XIV.  From  Saarbrucken  to  Sedan       .....  284 
XV.     The  Catastrophe  of  Sedan 306 

XVI.     The  Ending  of  the  Career 329 


3,80 
|-fc7 

mi 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


THE   EMPEROR    NAPOLEON   III.   ABOUT    1 870   .... 
From  a  photograph  by  W.  and  D.  Downey,  57  Ebury  Street. 

NAPOLEONE      BUONAPARTE,      FIRST     CONSUL     OF     FRANCE. 
1800 

From  the  engraving  by  C.  Turner,  after  the  painting  by 
Masqtierier. 

LOUIS    BONAPARTE,     1778-1846,    KING     OF     HOLLAND     AND 

FATHER   OF   NAPOLEON    III 

From  an  engraving. 

NAPOLEON  LOUIS  CHARLES,  FIRST  SON  OF  QUEEN  HORTENSE. 
BORN  OCTOBER    IO,    1802  ;     DIED    MAY    5,    1807   . 
From  a  miniature. 

CARDINAL   FESCH 

From  the  painting  by  Meynier  at  Versailles. 

ADMIRAL  VERHUEL  

From  a  lithograph. 

LOUIS,  KING  OF  HOLLAND,  AND  NAPOLEON  LOUIS,  BROTHER 
OF  NAPOLEON  III.  AND  SECOND  SON  OF   QUEEN  HORTENSE 
From  the  painting  at  Versailles. 

EUGENIE  HORTENSE,  QUEEN  OF  HOLLAND,  WITH  HER  THIRD 
SON,    LOUIS   NAPOLEON,   AFTERWARDS   NAPOLEON   III 
From  the  marble  group  by  E7nilc  Chatrousse  at  Versailles. 

NAPOLEON   III.,   ABOUT    1813 

From  the  painting  by  H.   Viger. 

LOUIS   NAPOLEON,   AFTERWARDS   NAPOLEON   III.  .  .      . 

From  a  drawing  made  by  Gouband  in  London,  1831. 

FIALIN,   DUC  DE   PERSIGNY 

PRINCE     LOUIS     PRESENTING     THE     EAGLE      TO      THE      4TH 
REGIMENT    OF    ARTILLERY    AT    STRASBURG,    OCTOBER  30, 

1836 

From  a  contemporary  engraving. 

H.I.H.        PRINCESS       MATHILDE,       DAUGHTER     OF      JEROME 
BONAPARTE    

From  an  engraving. 


Frontispiece 
To  face  p.  6 

8 

10 

11 
„        12 

13 

„         14 
„        20 

„         52 
„         62 

,.         68 

77 


Vlll 


LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


PRINCE   LOUIS,  AFTERWARDS  NAPOLEON   III.,    IN    1840      .       . 
From  a  lithograph  after  Charlet. 

PIERRE  ANTOINE   BERRYER 

From  a  lithograph. 

DR.    CONNEAU 

NO.  IO,  KING  STREET,  ST.  JAMES'S,  PRINCE  LOUIS  NAPOLEON'S 
RESIDENCE  IN   LONDON 

From  a  photograph  by  Elliott  &  Fry. 

GENERAL  CHANGARNIER,  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE 
NATIONAL  GUARDS  AND  DEPUTY  FOR  THE  DEPARTMENT 
OF  THE   SEINE 

M.   DE  MAUPAS,   PREFECT   OF   POLICE 

GENERAL  DE  LA  MORICIERE,  MINISTER  OF  WAR  AND 
DEPUTY   FOR  SARTHE    

GENERAL  CAVAIGNAC,  PRESIDENT  OF  THE  COUNCIL  AND 
CHIEF   OF   THE  EXECUTIVE 

M.  THIERS,  DEPUTY  FOR  THE  DEPARTMENT  OF  SEINE 
INFERIEURE.      1 85 1 

THE  EMPRESS   EUGENIE 

From  the  portrait  by  Winterhalter  at  Versailles. 

MARSHAL  DE  ST.  ARNAUD,  GENERAL-IN-CHIEF  OF  THE 
FRENCH   ARMY        

COUNT  WALEWSKI,  MINISTER  FOR  FOREIGN  AFFAIRS  AND 
PRESIDENT  OF  THE  CONGRESS   OF   PARIS     . 

NAPOLEON   III.    IN    1855 

THE  EMPEROR  AND   EMPRESS   IN  WALKING  DRESS 

From  a  photograph  taken  about  i860. 

THE   PRINCE   IMPERIAL  WHEN   ABOUT   SIX   YEARS   OLD      . 

From  a  miniature. 

NAPOLEON   III.    IN    1865 

THE  EMPEROR,   EMPRESS,   AND   PRINCE   IMPERIAL      . 
From  a  photograph  taken  aboiit  1866. 

THE  DUC  DE  MORNY,  HALF-BROTHER  TO  NAPOLEON  III. 

From  a  lithograph . 

THE  EMPRESS  EUGENIE   ABOUT    1870 

THE    PRINCE   IMPERIAL  ABOUT    1870 

From  a  photograph  by  W.  and  D.  Downey,  57  Ebury  Street. 

THE   PRINCE   IMPERIAL   AS   A   CADET  .... 

SEDAN  AND   ITS  NEIGHBOURHOOD 

THE   LETTER  OF   SURRENDER       .... 

THE    MAUSOLEUM   AT  CHISLEHURST         .... 


To  face  p.   86 

„  103 

„  118 

„  120 

»  133 

„  134 

»  137 

„  138 

»  139 

„  166 

„  178 


5> 

182 

)> 

184 

5) 

2IO 

„  216 

,,  224 

,,  226 

>,  239 

„  264 

„  279 

„  282 

„  302 

„  316 

„  336 


LIST   OF   AUTHORITIES 

The    following  arc   some   of  the   authorities   consulted   for   the   '  Life   of 

Napoleon  III.'  : — 
Memoirs  of  Queen  Hortense.     Compiled  by  Lascelles  Wraxall  and  Robert 

Wehran.     2  vols. 
Louis  Napoleon,  Emperor  of  the  French.     By  James  Augustus  St.  John. 

1  vol. 
Life  of  Napoleon  III.     By  Blanchard  Jerrold.     4  vols. 
77/i?  Works  of  Napoleon  III.     Author  unnamed.     Published  at  the  office  of 

the  Illustrated  London  Library,  227  Strand.     2  vols. 
Napole'on  III :  avant  I Empire.     Par  H.  Thirria.     1  vol. 
Napoleon  III :  P  Empire.     Par  H.  Thirria.     1  vol. 
Napoleon  III.     Par  A.  de  la  Gueronniere.     1  vol. 
Napoleon  III.     By  Sir  William  Fraser.     1  vol. 
Prisoner  of  Ham.     By  F.  T.  Briffault.     1  vol. 
History  of  Ten  Years,  1 830-40.     By  Louis  Blanc.     2  vols. 
Memoirs  of  Madame  Remusat.     2  vols. 

Memoirs  of  an  Ex-Minister.     By  Lord  Malmesbury.     2  vols. 
History  of  the  Coup  d'Etat.     By  Maupas  and  Vandam.    2  vols. 
Life  of  the  Prince  Consort.     By  Theodore  Martin.     5  vols. 
Memoirs  of  Christian  von  Stockmar.     2  vols. 
Diary  of  Queen  Victoria. 

Reorganisation  Militaire.     Par  General  Changarnier.     1  vol. 
War  of  the  Crimea.     By  Sir  Edward  Hamley.     1  vol. 
The  Crimean  War.     By  Alexander  Kinglake.     9  vols. 
M.  Thiers :  Cinquante  Annces  d'Histoire  Contemporaine.    Par  C.  de  Mazade. 

1  vol. 
Life  of  Field  Marshal  Sir  John  Burgoyne.     2  vols. 
Mt'moircs  sur  Napoleon  III.     Par  Comte  H.  de  Viel-Castel.     3  vols. 
Victor  Emmanuel.     By  Edward  Dicey.     1  vol. 

Italy  under  Victor  Emmanuel.     By  Count  Charles  Arrivabene.     2  vols. 
Memoirs  of  Count  fohn  Arrivabene.     1  vol. 


Co 
Ca 


LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

bden.     By  John  Morley.     (Commercial  Treaty  with  France.)     I  vol. 
Cavour :   Vie.    Par  C.  de  Mazade.     I  vol. 
Englishman  in  Paris.     By  Vandam.     2  vols. 

Rapports  Milit aires  e'crits  de  Berlin,  1866-70.     Par  Baron  Stoffel.     1  vol. 
La  Joamee  de  Sedan.     Par  General  Uucrot.     1  vol. 
Cuerres  de  1870:  Bazeilles — Sedan.     Par  General  Le  Brun.     1  vol. 
Sedan.     Par  General  de  Wimpffen.     1  vol. 
Franco- German  War.     By  Moltke.     1  vol. 
German   Official  History  of  Franco-German    War.     Translated  by  Clarke 

and  Wright.     4  vols. 
Bismarck.     By  Charles  Lowe.     2  vols. 
Trochn.     L'Armee  Frangaise  en  1867.     Une  Page  d'Histoire  Contemp.    La 

Politique  et  le  Siege  de  Paris.     3  vols. 
Rise  and  Fall  of  the  Mexican  Empire.     By  Count  Keratry.     1  vol. 
Episodes  de  la  Guerre  de  1870,  et  le  B locus  de  Metz.     Par  l'ex-Marechal 

Bazaine.     1  vol. 
My  Mistress  the  Empress  Eugenie.     By  Madame  Carette.     1  vol. 
The  Eve  of  an  Empire's  Fall.     By  Madame  Carette.     1  vol. 
Life  hi  the  Tuileries  tinder  the  Second  Empire.     By  Anna  Bicknell.     1  vol. 
Democratie  et  Liberie.     Le  19  Janvier — Compte  Rendu  aux  Electeurs.     Par 

Emile  Ollivier.     2  vols. 
Rapiers  Secrets  du  Second  Empire.     Arranged  by  La  Chapelle.     1  vol. 
Journal  of  a  Staff  Officer  in  Paris.     Par  Comte  d'Herisson.     1  vol. 
Memoirs  of  Benedetti.     1  vol. 

Life  of  the  Prince  Imperial.     By  E.  Barlee.     1  vol. 
Le  Dernier  des  Napoleon.     1  vol. 


LIFE   OF   NAPOLEON    III 

CHAPTER   I 

PARENTAGE BIRTH CHILDHOOD 

Among  the  countless  victims  of  the  guillotine  during  the 
Reign  of  Terror  was  Alexandre,  Vicomte  de  Beauharnais, 
one  of  the  most  distinguished  generals  of  the  Revolu- 
tionary period.  Executed  in  1794,  he  left  a  widow  and 
two  children,  all  of  whom  were  destined  to  attain  to  high 
estate.  The  forlorn  widow  of  Beauharnais  became  the 
first  wife  of  Napoleon  the  Great.  Her  son  Eugene,  who 
in  the  evil  days  had  been  a  carpenter's  apprentice,  became 
Napoleon's  stepson,  shared  in  most  of  the  campaigns  of 
the  Great  Captain,  and  attained  the  dignity  of  Viceroy 
of  Italy.  Her  daughter  Hortense,  one  of  the  most 
beautiful  and  interesting  women  of  her  time,  rose  to  the 
Throne  of  Holland,  and  was  the  mother  of  a  son  whose 
strange  and  diversified  life  is  the  subject  of  this  memoir. 
There  was  an  element  of  romance  as  well  as  of 
chance  in  the  circumstance  which  is  said  to  have  led  up 
to  the  marriage  of  Napoleon  and  Josephine.  Soon  after 
the  victory  of  the  Paris  sections  over  the  Convention 
in  the  13th  Vendemiaire  (Oct.  5th,  1795) — a  day  on 
which  he  had  cleared  the  streets  with  grape-shot,  pursued 

B 


2  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

the  rioters  into  their  hiding-places,  disbanded  the  National 
Guard,  disarmed   the   populace,  and  virtually  ended  the 
Revolution — Napoleon   received  a  timid  visitor  in  young 
Eugene  Beauharnais,  who  came  to  beg  for  the  restoration 
of  his  father's  sword,  of  which  he  had  been  informed  the 
General  had  become  possessed.     The  bright  countenance 
and  frank  manner  of  the  young  Eugene  pleased  Napoleon. 
When  the  sword  was  once  again  in  the  lad's  hands  he 
kissed  it  with  tears  ;  and  this  touching  manifestation  of 
affection  for  his  dead  father's  memory  stirred  the  interest 
of  Napoleon  in  his  young  visitor.     The  sequel,  if  we  are 
to    believe    the   story,    was    that    Madame    Beauharnais 
considered  it  her  duty  to  call  on  the  General  and  thank 
him  for  his  kindness  to  her  son.     Napoleon,  it  seems,  had 
greatly  admired  Josephine  at  first  sight  ;  he  returned  her 
visit,  they  became  intimate,  and  on  March  9,  1796,  they 
were  married.      Napoleon's  age  was  then  twenty-seven  ; 
Josephine    was    considerably    older.      Napoleon,    by    no 
means  addicted  either  to  doing  or  saying  pretty  things, 
practised  a  graceful  little  artifice  having  for  its  motive  the 
diminution  of  the  difference  between  their  ages.      In  the 
certificate  of  their  marriage  he  represented  Josephine  as 
six  years  younger  than  she   really  was,  while   he  added 
more  than  a  twelvemonth  to  his  own  age.     Napoleon 
was  not  born  on  Feb.  5,  1768,  as  stated  in  the  marriage 
certificate,    but     on    Aug.    15,     1769  ;    and    Josephine's 
birthday   was   not  on   July   23,    1769,    but    on  June    23, 
1763. 

This  is  Napoleon's  own  version  in  the  '  Voice  from 
St.  Helena '  of  the  circumstances  connected  with  his 
marriage  with  Josephine.  Bourrienne's  account  is 
pleasant    reading  enough.      '  One    day,'    he    tells  in   his 


PARENTAGE— BIRTH— CHILDHOOD       3 

Memoirs,  'he  (Napoleon)  called  my  attention  to  a  lady 
who  sat  opposite  at  dinner,  and  the  way  in  which  I 
answered  his  questions  appeared  to  give  him  much 
pleasure.  He  then  talked  a  great  deal  to  me  about  her, 
her  family,  and  her  amiable  qualities  ;  he  told  me  that  he 
should  probably  marry  her  as  he  was  convinced  that  the 
union  would  make  him  happy.  I  also  gathered  from  my 
conversation  that  his  marriage  with  the  widow  Beau- 
harnais  would  probably  assist  him  in  gaining  the  objects 
of  his  ambition.  His  constantly  increasing  influence 
with  her  had  already,'  he  said,  '  brought  him  into  contact 
with  the  most  influential  persons  of  the  day.'  It  remains 
to  be  said  in  a  sentence  that  Barras,  in  an  exceptionally 
abominable  passage  of  his  coarse  and  self-complacent 
Memoirs,  frankly  avers  that  Josephine  had  been  his 
mistress,  and  that  when  tired  of  her  he  had,  not  without 
some  reluctance  on  her  part,  cynically  arranged  the 
marriage  between  her  and  Napoleon. 

Eleven  days  after  his  wedding  Napoleon  left  Paris 
to  conduct  the  most  brilliant  series  of  campaigns  the 
world  had  ever  seen.  Two  years  later  he  was  voyaging  to 
Egypt  and  the  conquest  of  that  country  followed  ;  but 
the  stubborn  defence  of  St.  Jean  d'Acre  baulked  his 
most  resolute  efforts,  and  in  the  autumn  of  1799  he  gave 
up  the  command  to  Kleber  and  after  a  hazardous  voyage 
suddenly  appeared  in  Paris.  Mr.  Jerrold  in  his  interest- 
ing Life  of  Napoleon  III.  tells  that  'in  the  autumn  of 
1798,  Josephine,  left  alone  with  her  daughter  Hortense 
while  Napoleon  was  carrying  war  through  Egypt  with 
her  son,  young  Eugene  de  Beauharnais,  at  his  side, 
busied  herself  with  the  pleasant  duty  of  finding  a  retreat 
for  the  hero  when  he  should  return.   .  .  .   Josephine  fixed 

B  2 


4  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

on  Malmaison,  near  Rueil,  and  she  paid  for  the  modest 
chateau  and  domain  chiefly  with  her  dowry.'  Josephine's 
'  dowry '  was  rather  of  the  character  of  a  negligible 
quantity,  nor  did  Napoleon  bring  back  from  Egypt  great 
store  of  wealth.  Bourrienne  asserts,  however,  that 
Napoleon  returned  from  his  Italian  campaigns  in  posses- 
sion of  more  than  three  million  francs  ;  and  that  money 
it  probably  was  with  which  Josephine  made  of  Malmaison 
a  rare  and  delightful  retreat,  of  which  Napoleon  '  never 
tired  until  the  purple  drew  him  to  the  statelier  splendours 
of  St.  Cloud  and  Fontainebleau.'  Mr.  Jerrold  continues 
in  a  charming  strain  :  '  Malmaison  was  the  nursery  of  the 
Empire  :  its  cradle  and  its  grave.  Within  its  peaceful 
bounds  the  scattered  elements  of  polite  society  were  first 
drawn  together  after  the  storms  and  excesses  of  the 
Revolution.  At  Malmaison  the  first  great  salon  was 
thrown  open  ;  and  here,  amid  the  laughing  school-girls  of 
Madame  Campan  and  her  " vieux gtndraux  devingt  ans" 
were  formed  the  manners  that  prevailed  during  the 
Empire.' 

But  before  the  pleasant  life  of  Malmaison  began, 
scenes  had  occurred  which  had  taught  the  ingenuous 
Hortense  that  life  was  not  a  long  frivolity — a  knowledge 
which  was  to  come  home  to  her  with  a  deeper  personal 
bitterness  in  no  long  time.  There  can  be  no  question 
that  Josephine  had  behaved,  to  use  a  mild  term,  with 
great  indiscretion  during  the  absence  of  her  husband  in 
Egypt ;  and  that  when  Napoleon's  arrival  in  France  was 
announced  she  was,  in  the  words  of  Madame  Junot,  'a 
prey  to  great  and  well-founded  uneasiness.'  The  recollec- 
tions of  the  past,  the  ill-natured  reports  of  his  brothers,  the 
hints  of  Junot  in  Egypt  and  the  exaggeration  of  facts,  had 


PARENTAGE— BIRTH— CHILDHOOD       5 

irritated  Napoleon  to  a  very  high  pitch  and  he  received 
Josephine    with    studied    displeasure.      On    Josephine's 
return  to  Paris  after  having  missed  her  husband  Napoleon 
refused  to  see  her,  and  actually  did  not  do  so  for  three  days. 
Eugene  and  Hortense  strove  long  in   vain  to  overcome 
his  resistance.     '  Napoleon,'  says  Madame  Junot,  '  could 
not  with  any  degree  of  propriety  explain  to  Eugene    or 
Hortense  the  particulars  of  their  mother's  conduct.      He 
was  therefore  constrained  to  silence  and  had  no   argu- 
ments wherewith  to  combat  the  tears  of  two  innocent 
creatures  at  his  feet,  exclaiming,  "Do  not  abandon  our 
mother,  she  will  break  her  heart ! "   .  .   .  The  scene,   as 
Napoleon  confessed,  was  long  and  painful ;  and  the  two, 
brother  and  sister,  at  length  introduced  their  mother  and 
placed    her    in    his   arms.     The    unhappy    woman    had 
awaited  his  decision  at  the  door  of  a  small  back  staircase, 
extended  almost  at  full  length  upon  the  stairs,  and  suffering 
the  acutest  pangs  of  mental  torture.  .   .  .  Whatever  might 
have  been  his  wife's  errors  Napoleon  appeared  entirely 
to  forget    them   and    the    reconciliation    was    complete.' 
Madame  Junot  adds  :  '  It  was  to  the  earnest  entreaties 
of  her  children  that  she   owed  the   recovery,  not  of  her 
husband's  love — for  that  had   long  ceased,   but   of  the 
tenderness    acquired  by  habit  and   that   intimate    inter- 
course in  virtue  of  which  she  still  retained   the  rank  of 
consort  to  the  greatest  man  of  his  age.' 

In  a  public  sense  the  arrival  in  Paris  of  Napoleon 
from  Egypt  on  Oct.  16,  1799,  was  for  him  singularly 
opportune.  The  Government  of  the  Directory  was 
promptly  overthrown  without  a  word  of  regret  ;  a  new 
Constitution  was  sanctioned  by  an  overwhelming  majority 
of  votes  ;  and  Napoleon  became  First  Consul,  appointed 


6  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

for  ten  years  with  the  whole  administration  in  his 
hands.  From  this  time  thenceforth  he  was  the 
unquestioned  ruler  of  France.  The  Tuileries  were  his 
official  residence  and  there  Josephine  presided  over  the 
Court. 

But  the  picturesque  Chateau  of  Malmaison  a  few 
miles  west  of  Paris  in  a  charming  country,  the  modest 
home  which  Josephine  and  Hortense  had  made  for 
husband  and  stepfather  while  Napoleon  and  Eugene 
were  abroad,  was  a  delightful  alterative  to  the  Tuileries, 
of  which  Napoleon  said  in  a  scornful  mood  that  they  were 
triste  comme  la  grandeur.  Thither  Josephine  brought 
the  graces  and  the  politeness  of  the  social  world  to  which 
she  had  belonged  and  which  she  was  now  gradually 
restoring.  The  old  and  the  new  order  of  things,  to 
Napoleon's  great  satisfaction,  mingled  in  his  wife's  salons  ; 
under  the  shady  trees  and  in  the  bosqttets  of  Malmaison 
the  young  heroes  of  the  Republic  made  love  to  the  girl 
graduates  of  Madame  Campan's  famous  seminary  whom 
that  wise  and  accomplished  lady  sent  forth  into  the  world. 
And  on  the  close-shaven  lawn  there  were  games  of  active 
play  in  which  middle-aged  generals  and  young  subalterns 
of  family  engaged  with  vivacity.  A  participator  in  the 
Malmaison  romps  has  described  for  us  '  Napoleon 
throwing  himself  heart  and  soul  into  the  fun,  and  rolling 
on  the  ground  in  a  fit  of  laughter  before  surrendering 
himself  to  the  enemy,  while  Hortense,  full  of  audacity 
and  cunning  in  feints,  continued  to  baffle  her  pursuers.' 

But  there  were  shadows  of  deep  gloom  behind  this 
fascinating  scene  of  mirth  and  sun-glow  ;  and  there  were 
jealousies  and  plotting  among  the  seemingly  light-hearted 
company.       Josephine  had  ever  before  her  the  painful 


NAPOLEONE    BUONAPARTE,     FIRST    CONSUL    OF    FRANCE,     iSoO 
(Frojn  the  engraving  by  ( '.  Turner,  after  the  painting  by  Masquerier) 


PARENTAGE— BIRTH— CHILDHOOD       7 

presentiment  of  an  unhappy  future  ;  for  she  knew  herself 
hopeless  of  progeny  and  the  object  of  dislike  and  jealousy 
on  the  part  of  her  husband's  family.  But  there  was  an 
exception  in  Louis,  the  fourth  of  the  Bonaparte  brothers, 
and  him  she  desired  to  make  her  son-in-law  by  his 
marriage  with  her  daughter  Hortense,  with  the  hoped- 
for  result  that  he  might  support  her  against  the  adverse 
spirit  on  the  part  of  the  other  members  of  the  Bonaparte 
family.  Josephine's  policy  so  far  succeeded  that  she 
brought  about  the  marriage  on  which  she  had  set  her 
heart,  but  the  further  results  which  she  hoped  for  were 
not  very  apparent. 

It  is  not  easy  to  diagnose  the  character  of  this  Louis 
Bonaparte  whom  Josephine  desired  for  husband  to  her 
daughter.  He  was  nine  years  younger  than  Napoleon, 
who  had  taken  Louis  under  his  especial  care,  treating  him 
as  a  son  rather  than  a  brother.  Between  teacher  and  pupil 
were  natural  antagonisms  which  the  friction  of  opposite 
characters  constantly  exacerbated.  Napoleon  esteemed 
Louis  a  good  but  unambitious  soldier.  '  In  the  attack 
on  Saorgio,'  wrote  Napoleon  from  St.  Helena,  '  I 
stationed  him  for  the  first  time  under  cannon-fire.  He 
persisted  in  placing  himself  in  front  of  me  to  protect 
me  from  hostile  bullets.  His  courage,'  continued  the 
Emperor,  '  was  brilliant,  but  by  fits  ;  and  he  remained 
indifferent  to  the  praises  which  his  valour  stimulated.  At 
the  passage  of  the  Po  he  placed  himself  at  the  head  of 
the  attacking  columns  ;  at  Pizzighettone  he  was  the  first 
in  the  breach  ;  at  the  assault  of  Pavia  he  was  on  horse- 
back at  the  head  of  the  sappers  charged  to  destroy  the 
gate.  The  destruction  of  the  famous  university  of  this 
city  made  a  deep  impression  on  him,  and  he  became  still 


8  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

more  taciturn.'  Louis  preferred  to  converse  with  savants 
rather  than  with  soldiers  ;  and  Jerrold  suggests  that  he 
probably  regretted  the  events  which  had  drawn  his  family 
from  their  birthplace.  Queen  Hortense,  it  is  said,  always 
held  that  he  had  a  dislike  for  women  ;  but  he  retaliated 
that  it  was  not  women,  but  their  love  of  show,  that  dis- 
pleased him.  Madame  R^musat,  on  the  other  hand, 
gives  Louis  no  quarter.  Writing  of  him  as  she  noted 
his  character  in  1806,  she  says  that  he  made  his  wife's 
life  miserable.  '  Her  husband's  tyranny  was  exercised 
in  every  particular  ;  his  character,  quite  as  despotic  as 
his  brother's,  made  itself  felt  by  his  whole  household. 
Until  now  his  wife  had  courageously  hidden  the  excess 
to  which  he  carried  his  tyranny  '  ;  but  it  had  become 
the  more  intolerable  because  since  his  return  from 
Egypt  he  had  suffered  from  a  malady  which  so  affected 
his  limbs  that  he  walked  with  difficulty  and  was  stiff  in 
every  joint.  The  ailment  was  described  as  infectious, 
but  further  details  cannot  be  given. 

Louis  was  well  aware  of  Josephine's  desire  to  have 
him  for  a  son-in-law  ;  and  all  authorities  appear  to  agree 
in  fixing  the  responsibility  of  his  unhappy  marriage  on 
Napoleon's  wife.  Hortense  certainly  had  no  tendresse 
for  the  morose  and  taciturn  Louis.  Constant  in  his 
Memoirs  writes  :  '  Previous  to  her  marriage  with  Louis 
Hortense  cherished  an  attachment  for  Duroc,  who  was 
at  that  time  (1802)  a  handsome  man  of  about  thirty 
and  a  great  favourite  of  Napoleon.  But  the  indifference 
with  which  Duroc  regarded  the  marriage  of  Louis 
Bonaparte  sufficiently  proves  that  the  regard  with 
which  he  had  inspired  Hortense  was  not  very  ardently 
returned.      It  is  certain  that  Duroc  might  have  become 


LOUIS    ISONAPARTE,    1778-1S46,    KING   OF    HOLLAND 

AND    FATHER   OF    NAPOLEON    III. 

(From  nn  engraving) 


PARENTAGE— BIRTH— CHILDHOOD   9 

the  husband  of  Mdlle.  de  Beauharnais  had  he  been 
willing  to  accede  to  the  conditions  on  which  Napoleon 
offered  him  his  stepdaughter's  hand.  But  Duroc  looked 
for  something  better  ;  he  declined  the  proposed  marriage  ; 
and  the  union  of  Hortense  and  Louis  which  Madame 
Bonaparte,  to  conciliate  the  favour  of  her  brothers-in- 
law,  had  endeavoured  to  bring  about,  was  immediately 
determined  on.' 

Josephine  had  her  way,  sacrificing  her  daughter  for 
the  furtherance  of  her  own  purposes.  The  dutiful 
daughter  submitted;  and  on  Jan.  4,  1802,  Louis 
and  Hortense  were  married.  Louis  endured  to  have 
forced  upon  him  as  a  wife  a  woman  who  had  always 
avoided  him  as  much  as  possible.  She  nevertheless  seems 
to  have  honestly  tried  her  utmost  to  like  the  man  whom 
her  mother  and  Napoleon  presented  to  her  as  a  husband. 
The  union  was  bitterly  unfortunate,  yet  Napoleon  has 
stated  that  when  Louis  and  Hortense  first  came  together 
they  loved  each  other.  But  Hortense  had  been  disap- 
pointed in  regard  to  Duroc,  while  Louis  wrote  of  his 
marriage  day,  '  Never  was  there  a  ceremony  so  sad  ; 
never  did  two  espoused  persons  feel  more  vividly  a 
presentiment  of  all  the  horrors  of  a  forced  and  ill- 
assorted  marriage.'  Jerrold  remarks  that  '  the  aversion, 
with  all  its  bitterness,  came  afterwards.'  That  view  is 
destroyed  by  Louis'  shuddering  testimony.  The  pair 
took  up  their  residence  in  the  beautiful  Chateau  of 
St.  Leu.  The  crypt  of  the  handsome  church  of  the 
village  of  that  name  built  by  Napoleon  III.  is  the  burial- 
place  of  the  Bonapartes.  In  its  vault  there  lie  Napoleon 
Louis  Charles  the  eldest  son  of  Louis  and  Hortense, 
Napoleon  Louis  their  second  son,  ex-King  Louis  himself, 


io  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

and  old  Charles  Marie  Napoleon  of  Corsica,  the  father 
of  all  the  stock. 

Although  her  nuptials  had  been  sombre  Hortense 
made  the  best  of  the  situation  in  her  married  life.  She 
essayed  to  make  of  the  old  chateau  another  Malmaison. 
The  parterres  blazed  with  the  flowers  she  loved,  and 
quaint  surprises  of  light  and  shade  met  courtiers  and 
senators  in  their  stroll  through  the  umbrage.  She  gave 
birth  to  her  first  child,  Napoleon  Louis  Charles,  on 
Oct.  io,  1802.  Upon  this  child,  the  adopted  son  and 
heir-presumptive  of  Napoleon,  rested  for  a  time  the 
hopes  of  the  Emperor,  who  had  often  been  seen  playing 
with  the  beautiful  and  interesting  boy  on  the  terrace 
of  St.  Cloud.  But  the  hopes  were  dispelled  when,  on 
May  5,  1807,  the  child  died  of  croup  at  The  Hague. 
Hortense  was  broken-hearted ;  when  the  sad  tidings 
reached  the  Emperor  he  wept ;  and  the  unfortunate 
Josephine  exclaimed  in  her  agony,  '  I  am  lost !  My  fate 
is  decided — he  will  forsake  me  ! ' 

A  second  child,  Napoleon  Louis,  had  been  born  to 
Louis  and  Hortense  in  1804  wno  was  to  nve  until  1831. 
It  was  on  the  afternoon  of  April  20,  1808,  in  her  hotel 
in  the  Rue  Cerutti,  now  the  banking-house  of  the 
Rothschilds  in  the  Rue  Lafitte,  that  Queen  Hortense 
gave  birth  to  her  third  son,  the  future  Napoleon  III. 
The  Empress  was  then  at  Bordeaux  and  the  Emperor 
at  Bayonne.  Talleyrand,  with  other  high  officers,  had 
been  commanded  by  Napoleon  to  be  present  at  the 
impending  accouchement  of  Queen  Hortense.  She  thus 
notes  regarding  him  :  '  The  visit  of  M.  de  Talleyrand 
aggravated  my  nervous  state.  He  constantly  wore 
powder  the  scent  of  which  was  so  strong  that  when  he 


NAPOLEON      LOUIS     CHARLES,     FIRST     SOX     OK     QUEEN      HORTENSE 

HORN    OCTOBER    IO,     1S02  :    DIED    MAY    5,     1S07 

{From  a  miniature) 


CARDINAL    FESCH 
{From  the  painting  by  Meynier  at  Versailles) 


PARENTAGE— BIRTH— CHILDHOOD      n 

approached  me  I  was  nearly  suffocated.'  Talleyrand 
looked  down  solemnly  on  the  new-born  infant ;  some 
thirty  years  later  in  Lady  Tankerville's  drawing-room  in 
London,  he  did  not  choose  to  recognise  the  son  of 
Hortense  by  whose  birth  he  had  stood.  The  heir  of  the 
Empire  was  then  an  exile  ;  and  Talleyrand  was  serving 
a  new  master.  The  high  authorities  of  the  Empire 
stood  around  the  bed  of  Hortense  while  the  certificate 
of  birth  was  being  prepared  by  the  Archchancellor 
Cambaceres ;  and  there  were  also  present  Madame 
Mere,  Cardinal  Fesch,  and  Admiral  Verhuel  the  Ambas- 
sador from  Holland.  It  was  not  until  June  2  that  in 
accordance  with  the  Emperor's  instructions  the  infant 
received  the  christian  names  of  Charles  Louis  Napoleon. 
He  was  baptized  in  18 10  at  Fontainebleau  by  Cardinal 
Fesch  his  grand-uncle  ;  his  godfather  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  and  his  godmother  the  Empress  Maria 
Louisa.  His  birth  was  celebrated  with  great  rejoicings 
throughout  France  as  that  of  a  presumptive  heir  to  the 
Imperial  throne  ;  for  by  the  law  of  succession  (dated 
28th  Floreal,  year  12,  and  5th  Frimaire,  year  13)  the 
Crown,  in  default  of  direct  descendants  of  the  Emperor 
himself — and  he  at  that  time  had  none — could  be  in- 
herited only  by  the  children  of  two  of  his  brothers, 
Joseph  and  Louis.  But  Joseph  had  no  male  offspring, 
and  the  sons  of  Louis  in  consequence  became  for  the 
time  heirs-presumptive,  until  the  birth  of  the  King  of 
Rome. 

The  Emperor  himself  stood  sponsor  at  little  Louis' 
baptism.  When  the  child  was  still  in  his  cradle,  the 
prospects  of  his  elder  brother  and  himself  were  im- 
perilled by  the  Emperor's  marriage  with  Maria  Louisa  ; 


12  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

and  were  apparently  blighted  when  in  1 8 1 1  a  son  was 
born  to  Napoleon  himself.  Louis,  however,  was  in 
great  measure  brought  up  in  the  Tuileries  and  was  a 
great  favourite  with  the  Emperor.  A  curious  story  was 
extant  of  the  last  words  which  passed  between  those 
two.  It  was  at  the  moment  when  Napoleon  was  setting 
out  on  the  campaign  which  proved  to  be  his  last.  The 
little  boy  on  hearing  that  his  uncle  was  to  leave  within 
an  hour  became  strangely  agitated.  He  sought  out  the 
Emperor  in  his  cabinet,  and  taking  hold  of  his  arm 
burst  into  tears.  The  Emperor  asked  what  ailed 
him.  '  You  will  not  go  ! '  cried  the  child.  '  The  enemy 
will  get  you.  I  shall  never  see  you  any  more.'  Napo- 
leon was  deeply  agitated,  took  the  child  to  his  mother, 
and  said,  '  Look  well  to  him.  Perhaps,  after  all,  this 
little  fellow  is  the  hope  of  my  race.'  Those  were  the 
last  words  that  his  little  nephew  heard  him  utter. 
Louis  never  saw  the  Emperor  again.  But  the  words 
sank  deep  into  his  mind,  to  awaken  afterwards  as  the 
voice  of  destiny. 

The  King  of  Holland  was  present  neither  at  the 
birth  nor  at  the  ceremony  of  June  2  ;  nor  do  the  docu- 
ments show  that  he  was  represented.  It  is  possible,  it 
is  true,  to  accept  the  hypothesis  that  he  was  represented 
by  Admiral  Verhuel,  to  whom  has  been  attributed  the 
paternity  of  the  Prince.  Did  the  repeated  absences  of 
King  Louis  infer  his  disavowal  of  the  paternity  ?  Some 
colour  is  no  doubt  given  from  the  circumstance  that 
their  Majesties  were  notoriously  estranged,  and  that 
about  nine  months  before  the  Prince's  birth  the  Oueen 
and  Admiral  Verhuel  were  together  in  the  Pyrenees. 
But,  as  it  happened,  King  Louis  was  there  also  ;  and  it 


ADMIRAL    VERHUEL 
[From  a  lithograph) 


LOUIS,     KING     OF     HOLLAND,     AND     NAPOLEON     LOUIS,     BROTHER     OF 

NAPOLEON    III.    AND    SECOND    SON    OF    QUEEN    HORTENSE 

(From  the  painting  at  Versailles) 


PARENTAGE— BIRTH— CHILDHOOD      13 

may  be  said  that  if  he  was  with  his  wife  neither  before, 
during,  nor  after  her  confinement,  it  was  because  he  was 
excessively  annoyed,  it  seemed,  because  she  refused  to 
lie  in  at  The  Hague.  There  need  be  no  reticence  in 
regard  to  the  errors  of  Hortense.  It  is  unquestioned 
that  in  October,  1 8 1 1  she  gave  birth  to  a  son  the  father 
of  whom  was  the  Comte  de  Flahault — a  son  who  was 
consequently  a  half-brother  of  Napoleon  III.  and  who 
was  the  well-known  Due  de  Morny  of  the  Second 
Empire.  But  the  evidence  seems  fairly  conclusive  that 
Louis  Napoleon  was  the  veritable  offspring  of  the 
unfortunate  King  of  Holland  ;  although  it  is  true  that 
neither  in  features,  in  physique,  nor  in  mental  charac- 
teristics did  he  bear  any  resemblance  to  any  member 
of  the  Bonaparte  family.  It  is  certain  that  during  the 
summer  and  early  autumn  of  1807  Hortense  and  her 
husband  were  living  at  Cauterets  ;  and  that  when  they 
parted,  the  husband  to  return  to  Holland  the  wife  to 
proceed  to  St.  Cloud,  Louis  was  aware  that  Hortense 
was  enceinte.  In  the  early  spring  of  1S0S  he  wrote  to 
her  expressing  the  hope  that  '  you  will  reach  your  time 
without  accident,'  and  desiring  her  to  choose  a  doctor  in 
view  of  the  impending  event.  Louis'  letter  was  cold  but 
not  unfriendly,  and  in  it  he  mentioned  that  he  had 
formally  communicated  to  his  Ministers  at  The  Hague 
the  news  of  the  Queen's  condition.  As  soon  as  he 
learned  of  Hortense's  accouchement  the  King  announced 
the  event  to  the  people  of  his  capital  collected  under  his 
balcony,  and  received  the  customary  felicitations.  He 
wrote  again  to  Hortense  :  '  I  should  like  the  little  one 
to  be  solemnly  baptized  here  in  Holland  ;  but  I  sub- 
ordinate my  wishes  to  yours  and  to  those  of  the  Emperor.' 


i4  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON     III 

It  seems  evident,  then,  that  King  Louis  was  in  the  full 
belief  that  he  was  the  father  of  the  infant  to  whom  his 
wife  gave  birth  on  the  afternoon  of  April  20,  1808,  in 
her  house  in  the  Rue  Cerutti.  He  proved  that  con- 
viction on  his  part  by  leaving  all  his  property  to  his  son 
Louis  Napoleon,  whom  he  described  in  his  will  as  '  my 
only  surviving  son.' 

King  Louis'  four  years'  tenure  of  the  throne  of 
Holland  had  been  constantly  troubled  by  the  high- 
handedness of  the  Emperor  Napoleon.  At  the  Emperor's 
instigation  a  deputation  from  Holland  had  come  to  Paris 
in  June,  1806,  to  desire  that  Prince  Louis  should  accept 
the  Batavian  throne.  In  vain  did  he  attempt  to  shun 
the  proffered  honour.  When  he  pleaded  his  ill-health 
Napoleon  sternly  replied,  'It  is  better  to  die  a  king 
than  live  a  prince  '  ;  and  Louis  was  proclaimed  King 
of  Holland  at  St.  Cloud.  He  went  to  Holland  accom- 
panied by  Hortense,  who  quitted  St.  Leu  with  bitter 
tears  and  who  took  an  early  opportunity  of  returning  to 
France.  But  for  the  vexations  to  which  he  was  con- 
tinually exposed  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor  Louis 
might  have  had  a  useful  reign  in  Holland.  But  the 
bitter  insults  heaped  on  him  by  Napoleon  in  letter  after 
letter  stung  him  beyond  endurance.  Reduced  to  the 
harsh  alternative  of  crushing  Holland  with  his  own 
hands  or  of  leaving  that  task  to  his  autocratic  brother, 
Louis  determined  to  lay  down  his  sceptre.  He  abdicated 
in  favour  of  his  elder  son  Napoleon  Louis,  and  in  his 
default,  of  Charles  Louis  Napoleon  his  younger  son, 
afterwards  Napoleon  III.  In  July,  18 10,  taking  the 
title  of  Comte  de  St.  Leu,  he  quitted  Holland  and 
repaired  to  the  waters  of  Toeplitz,  where  he  was  living 


EUGENIE    HORTENSE,    QUEEN   OF   HOLLAND,    WITH    HER    THIRD    SON 
LOUIS    NAPOLEON,    AFTERWARDS    NAPOLEON    III. 

From    the  marble  group  by  Etuile  Chatrousse  at    Versailles') 


PARENTAGE— BIRTH— CHILDHOOD      15 

in  retirement  when  he  learned  that  Napoleon  had  united 
Holland  to  the  French  Empire.  His  protest,  in  which 
he  declared  '  the  pretended  union  of  Holland  with  France 
mentioned  in  the  decree  of  the  Emperor  to  be  null,  void, 
illegal,  unjust,  and  arbitrary  in  the  sight  of  God  and 
man,'  was  in  effect  a  dead  letter,  its  circulation  strictly 
prohibited  by  the  police.  Some  time  before  the  abdica- 
tion of  Louis  he  and  Hortense  had  become  entirely 
estranged,  and  years  elapsed  before  they  had  any 
friendly  intercourse  in  their  common  solicitude  regarding 
their  sons. 

That  Napoleon  III.  intended  to  write  his  auto- 
biography is  proved  by  a  fragment  which  Mr.  Jerrold 
has  printed,  and  which  is  now  in  the  possession  of  the 
Empress  Eugenie.  He  did  not  pursue  his  design,  and  the 
'  Souvenirs  de  ma  Vie '  written  in  after-life  are  but  the 
casual  beginnings  of  an  abandoned  project.  '  I  can  still 
see,' so  wrote  Napoleon  III.,  'the  Empress  Josephine 
at  Malmaison  covering  me  with  her  caresses,  and  even 
then  flattering  my  vanity  by  the  zest  with  which  she 
retailed  my  childish  bons  mots.  "  Louis,"  said  the 
Empress  once,  "ask  for  anything  that  will  give  you  the 
greatest  pleasure,"  and  I  requested  to  be  allowed  to  go 
and  walk  in  the  gutters  with  the  little  street  boys.  .  .  . 
One  day  I  entered  into  conversation  with  the  old  soldier 
on  sentry  duty.  I  called  to  him,  "  I,  too,  know  my  drill 
— I  have  a  little  musket."  Then  the  grenadier  asked 
me  to  command  him,  and  there  I  was,  shouting  "  Prd- 
sentez  arm.es  !  Portez  amies  !  Armes  bas  !  " — the  old 
grenadier  obeying,  to  please  me.  .  .  .  My  brother  and  I 
often  went  to  breakfast  with  the  Emperor.  He  used  to 
take  us  by  the  head  between  his  hands  and  in  this  atti- 


16  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

tude  stand  us  on  the  table.  This  way  of  carrying  us 
frightened  my  mother  very  much,  Corvisart  having  told 
her  it  was  extremely  dangerous  to  children.  .  .  .  When 
the  first  news  of  the  Emperor's  return  from  Elba  came 
there  was  great  irritation  among  the  Royalists  against  my 
mother  and  her  children — the  rumour  ran  that  we  were 
all  to  be  assassinated.  One  night  our  governess  came 
with  a  servant  and  took  us  across  the  garden  of  my 
mother's  house  in  the  Rue  Cerutti,  to  a  little  room  on 
the  boulevards  where  we  were  to  remain  hidden.  We 
were  flying  from  the  parental  roof  for  the  first  time,  but 
our  young  years  prevented  us  from  understanding  the 
meaning  of  events,  and  we  were  delighted  with  the 
change.'  This  fragment  vividly  suggests  how  interesting 
would  have  been  Louis  Napoleon's  full  autobiography 
from  those  early  days  down  the  long  varied  years  to  the 
quiet  residence  at  Chislehurst. 

Louis  Napoleon  had  scarcely  attained  the  age  of  six 
years  when  the  fortunes  of  the  French  Empire  were 
overcast  by  terrible  reverses.  In  the  early  summer  of 
1 813,  broken  and  mutilated  soldiers,  the  survivors  of  the 
ill-fated  Russian  campaign,  were  seen  in  the  streets  of 
Paris.  The  Emperor's  star,  indeed,  had  begun  to  pale 
ever  since  his  divorce  from  Josephine.  He  bade  Hortense 
reopen  the  doors  of  her  salons,  and.  fetes  and  balls  were 
to  be  resorted  to  as  expedients  to  exorcise  the  gloom  now 
lowering  over  the  Imperial  fortunes.  A  woman  of  a 
staunch  and  loyal  heart,  Hortense  did  her  best  to  meet 
his  wishes  ;  but  the  gaiety  she  strove  to  simulate  was 
forced  and  hollow.  Yet  she  played  her  part  gallantly  ; 
and  she  retired  to  the  grateful  repose  of  St.  Leu  only 
after    Napoleon    had    quitted    Paris    in    April,    1813,   to 


PARENTAGE— BIRTH -CHILDHOOD      17 

conquer  still  occasionally,  but  ultimately  to  be  defeated 
in  the  long  bloody  struggle  around  Leipsic.  In  the 
seclusion  of  St.  Leu  Hortense  had  her  children,  of  whom 
she  was  proud,  and  in  the  rudiments  of  whose  education 
she  maintained  a  constant  interest.  The  brothers  were 
bright,  high-spirited,  affectionate  children  ;  but  the 
younger,  Louis,  was  in  his  childhood  very  feeble. 

Hortense  would  not  be  absent  from  the  Emperor's 
farewell  to  the  National  Guard  previous  to  his  departure 
to  join  his  sorely  depleted  army  on  Jan.  23,  1814.  Spite 
of  his  extraordinary  activity  his  corpulence  had  increased 
and  in  his  pale  face  was  an  expression  of  melancholy 
and  irritability.  The  sombre  silence  was  profound  until, 
in  a  firm  and  sonorous  voice  but  with  a  certain  lack  of 
confidence,  Napoleon  spoke  to  the  assembled  officers. 
His  opening  words  were  very  solemn  :  '  I  set  out  this 
night  to  take  the  command  of  the  army.  In  quitting  the 
capital  I  confidently  leave  behind  me  my  wife,  and  my 
son  in  whom  so  many  hopes  are  centred.'  After  a  short 
brilliant  campaign  during  which,  always  against  superior 
numbers,  he  fought  and  won  battle  after  battle,  he  gave 
his  enemies  the  opportunity  of  which  they  availed  them- 
selves with  an  unwonted  celerity  ;  and  when  the  Allied 
artillery  was  bombarding  Montmartre  Napoleon  was 
far  away  at  Troyes.  He  speeded  back,  but  when  he 
approached  Fontainebleau  Paris  had  already  capitulated. 

When  in  the  disastrous  finale  of  the  campaign  of 
1 8 14  the  enemy  were  at  the  gates  of  Paris  and  when 
every  hour  brought  tidings  of  some  new  defection  and 
some  new  disaster,  Hortense  maintained  her  courage  and 
protected  her  children  sedulously.  She  had  hastened  to 
the  Tuileries  to  advise  the  Empress  Marie  Louise  not  to 

c 


18  '  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

leave  Paris,  but  courageously  to  remain  at  the  post  where 
her  husband  had  placed  her.     The  Empress  would  not 
listen    to    Hortense's    high-minded    advice.        Hortense 
determined  to   stay  with  the   Parisians  and  share  their 
fortunes.      But   Paris   was  officially  declared  untenable, 
the  Cossacks  were  at  hand,  and  maternal   love  asserted 
its   natural   sway.      A   friend  furnished  the   refuge   of  a 
country  house  at  Glatigny  ;  but  there  on   the  following 
morning  was  heard  the  roar  of  the  cannon  with  which  the 
Allies  had  begun  to  batter  the  feeble  defences  of  Paris. 
It  was  resolved  to  make   for   Rambouillet,    which    was 
reached  very  late,  and  where  the  fugitive  Bonapartes  and 
the    Ministers    were    found    at    supper.     They  were  all 
bound  for  Blois  ;  but  the  intention   of  Hortense  was  to 
join  her  mother  at  the  Chateau  of  Navarre  in  the  Eure. 
A  crust  of  bread  was  requisitioned,  not  without  difficulty, 
by  Hortense  for  her   children.     The  whole  vicinity  of 
Rambouillet  was   being  scoured  by    Cossacks  ;    but   at 
Maintenon  the  resolute  Hortense  found  a  French  cavalry 
regiment  from  the  commander  of  which  she  obtained  an 
escort,  and  thus  protected  she  proceeded  in  much  greater 
safety  towards  the  Chateau  of  Louis,  whose  owner  had 
begged  her  to  spend  the  night  there.      Cossacks  were 
still  occasionally  visible  ;  but  they  seemed  not  to  advance 
beyond  Louis.      It  happened,  therefore,  that  all  that  part 
of  the  country  traversed  by  the  refugees  was   in  a  condi- 
tion of  delightful    tranquillity,   and   they  journeyed   with 
elevated    spirits    through    shady    lanes    and    along   the 
windings  of  beautiful  valleys  which  presented   exquisite 
pictures  of  pastoral  life.      The  escort  was  dismissed  with 
gracious  thanks.     Queen  Hortense  regarded  herself,  her 
children,   and   her   entourage  as    now    in    safety.      Next 


PARENTAGE— BIRTH— CHILDHOOD      19 

morning  by  daylight  the  cortege  set  out  towards  the 
Chateau  of  Navarre  where  her  mother  was  residing, 
and  where  Josephine  and  Hortense  with  her  two  sons 
remained  throughout  the  period  of  negotiations  which 
was  ended  by  the  departure  of  Napoleon  for  his  new 
domain  of  Elba. 


c  2 


2o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


CHAPTER    II 

EXILE BOYHOOD ADOLESCENCE INSURRECTIONIST 

CONSPIRATOR 

It  was  not  until  April  20,  18 14,  that  Napoleon  quitted 
Fontainebleau  for  Elba ;  and  meanwhile  Josephine  and 
Hortense,  with  the  children  of  the  latter,  remained  at 
Navarre  in  mournful  retirement.  Josephine  would  fain 
have  joined  Napoleon  in  his  exile ;  Hortense  trembled 
for  the  future  of  her  boys.  In  a  letter  to  Mdlle.  Cochelet 
of  April  9  she  exclaims  :  '  Ah !  I  hope  they  will  not 
demand  my  children,  for  then  my  courage  would  fail  me.' 
The  mother  and  daughter  returned  to  Paris  as  soon  as 
affairs  had  calmed  down.  Hortense  went  to  her  town 
house  in  the  Rue  Cerutti,  to  find  it  empty  ;  her  servants 
had  deserted.  The  Emperor  Alexander — chivalrous 
gentleman  that  he  was — made  haste  to  pay  her  a  visit 
and  expressed  his  anxiety  to  be  of  service.  He  advised 
her  to  rejoin  her  mother  at  Malmaison,  whither  he 
presently  followed  her  and  continued  to  protect  her  with 
delicacy  and  true  kindness  during  the  time  he  remained 
in  Paris.  Malmaison  became  a  sort  of  rendezvous  of 
the  Sovereigns  then  assembled  in  Paris.  All  the  Kings, 
Princes,  and  chief  men  of  the  Allies  united  to  evince  their 
respect  for  the  fallen  Empress  and  her  beautiful  daugh- 
ter.    One  day  the  King  of  Prussia  brought  to  Malmaison 


«  NAPOLEON? 


•i  Fiaxcaift 


NAPOLEON     III.,     ABOUT     1813 
{From  the  fainting  by  II-  Viger) 


EXILE— BOYHOOD— ADOLESCENCE      21 

his  two  sons,  the  Princes  Frederick  William  and  William, 
stalwart  striplings  who  were  amused  in  their  Teuton 
manner  by  the  naif  innocent  remarks  of  the  boys  of 
Hortense.  More  than  half  a  century  later  King  William 
of  Germany  and  Louis  Napoleon  still  then  Emperor  of 
the  French,  who  had  seen  each  other  for  the  first  time  in 
Queen  Hortense's  salon  at  Malmaison,  met  for  the  last 
time  in  the  Chateau  Bellevue  on  the  morrow  of  Sedan, 
surrounded  by  the  dead  and  wounded  of  the  great 
battle  the  issue  of  which  lost  Napoleon  his  Throne  and 
sent  him  into  exile. 

Grief  had  done  its  work  on  Josephine.  She  died  at 
Malmaison  on  May  29,  1814,  after  a  short  illness;  her 
last  utterances  were,  '  Bonaparte — Elba — Marie  Louise.' 
After  the  funeral  of  her  mother  Hortense  retired  with 
her  children  to  St.  Leu  until  the  return  of  Napoleon 
from  Elba.  It  was  then  that  her  husband  King  Louis, 
living  in  retirement  in  Rome,  demanded  that  his  two 
sons  should  be  given  up  to  him  by  their  mother.  They 
and  she  had  been  exempted  from  the  general  proscription 
of  the  Bonapartes,  and  as  the  children  were  in  France 
he  had  to  sue  in  the  French  Courts.  Hortense  resolutely 
fought  the  claim  ;  and  while  she  was  still  in  mourning 
for  Josephine  the  cause  came  to  trial.  The  result 
brought  anguish  to  the  mother,  who  would  have  made 
every  sacrifice  to  keep  her  sons  in  France.  But  the 
finding  of  the  Court  was  that  the  elder  boy  should  be 
given  to  the  father,  and  share  his  exile.  The  verdict, 
however,  was  not  acted  on  until  a  later  period. 

Simultaneously  with  this  wrench  to  her  tenderest 
feelings,  Hortense  was  informed  that  Napoleon  had 
landed  at  Cannes  and  was  marching  on  Paris.      She  was 


22  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

warned  to  take  precautions — the  Bourbons  were  quite 
capable  of  seizing  her  children  as  hostages.  She  herself 
might  be  in  danger.  But  she  found  safety  for  her  children 
and  herself  under  the  hospitable  roof  of  her  brother's  old 
nurse.  From  that  humble  shelter  she  wrote  to  her 
brother  Eugene  :  '  I  have  just  seen  him  (Napoleon).  He 
received  me  very  coldly.  I  think  he  disapproves  of  my 
having  remained  here.  My  God  !  if  only  there  is  no 
more  war !  .  .  .  Ah !  speak  to  him  for  peace — use  your 
influence  with  him  ;  humanity  demands  it.  I  have  been 
obliged  to  hide  myself  for  the  last  twelve  days  because 
all  sorts  of  reports  were  circulated  about  me.' 

During  the  '  Hundred  Days  '  Hortense  and  her  sons 
were  present  at  the  lukewarm  ceremony  of  the  Champ- 
de-Mai  ;  during  which  the  mother  saw  the  Emperor,  in 
the  absence  of  his  own  son  the  little  King  of  Rome, 
present  her  two  boys  to  the  troops  in  the  Place  du 
Carrousel.  When  Waterloo  had  been  fought  and  lost 
and  when  Napoleon's  extraordinary  career  had  come 
near  to  its  ending,  Hortense  accompanied  her  stepfather 
to  Malmaison,  leaving  him  for  a  time  at  the  door  of  the 
bed-chamber  in  which  the  dying  Josephine  had  uttered 
his  name  with  her  last  breath  ;  and  she  and  her  two  sons 
were  the  last  to  take  a  sad  farewell  of  the  fallen  man 
when  he  set  forth  to  his  captivity  on  the  rock  of  St. 
Helena.  The  figure  of  an  eagle  cut  in  the  sward  of  the 
Malmaison  lawn  long  marked  the  spot  of  French  ground 
last  pressed  by  the  foot  of  Napoleon  ;  but  Josephine's 
beautiful  chateau  has  undergone  many  vicissitudes  ;  and 
the  shell  fire  of  the  last  sortie  from  Paris  in  January, 
1 87 1,  utterly  wrecked  Malmaison  and  the  charming- 
amenities  which  once  surrounded  it. 


EXILE— BOYHOOD— ADOLESCENCE      23 

It  has  been  said  that  Hortense  and  her  sons  had  been 
exempted  from  the  general  proscription  of  the  Bonapartes. 
But  after  the  Restoration  rumours,  absurd  but  venomous, 
of  conspiracies  directed  against  the  safety  of  the  Allied 
Sovereigns,  had  come  into  circulation,  in  which  the  name 
of  Queen  Hortense  was  malignantly  and  falsely  involved. 
Hortense  was  not  a  conspirator,  but  she  was  an  impulsive 
woman  ;  and  she  was  probably  over-eager  to  be  of 
service  to  unfortunate  Bonapartists  lurking  in  Paris 
because  unable  to  make  their  escape.  Some  ill-feeling 
had  been  engendered  against  her  by  the  Royalists,  who 
grudged  her  the  exceptional  exemption  from  proscription 
and  who  were  chagrined  because  Louis  XVIII.,  as  the 
result  of  repeated  solicitation  on  the  part  of  the  Emperor 
Alexander,  nominated  Hortense  to  the  title  of  Duchesse 
de  St.  Leu,  giving  her  at  the  same  time  the  estate  of 
that  name  as  an  independent  duchy. 

Early  on  July  17,  1815,  an  aide-de-camp  of  the 
Prussian  General  Muffling,  who  was  then  the  Military 
Governor  of  Paris,  called  at  the  hotel  of  the  Duchesse  de 
St.  Leu  and  informed  her  major-domo  by  his  superior's 
instructions  that  within  two  hours  the  Duchesse  must  leave 
Paris  with  her  children.  The  reason  alleged  for  an  order 
so  sudden  and  so  peremptory  was  that  she  was  held  to  be 
concerned  in  a  plot  for  assassinating  all  the  foreign  Princes 
then  in  the  capital — a  ridiculous  pretext,  considering 
Hortense's  cordial  relations  with  many  of  the  high  per- 
sonages alluded  to.  Ultimately  she  obtained  a  few 
hours'  delay  ;  but  the  order  was  explicit  that  she  must 
be  outside  the  walls  before  nightfall  and  withdraw  from 
French  territory  without  delay.  She  had  to  be  beholden 
to   the  courtesy  of  alien  soldiers  for  safe  conduct  to  the 


24  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

frontier  for  her  children  and  herself.  Prince  Schwarzen- 
berg  had  the  chivalry  to  appoint  his  own  adjutant  the 
Count  von  Voyna  to  act  as  escort  to  the  refugees,  a 
mission  which  that  brave  officer  performed  with  delicacy 
and  courage. 

The  journey  was  full  of  incident  and  peril.  At  Dijon 
a  rabble  surrounded  Hortense's  carriage  with  shouts  of 
'  Down  with  the  Bonapartiste ! '  During  von  Voyna's 
temporary  absence  several  Royalist  officers  broke  into  the 
apartment  of  the  Queen,  averring  that  they  were  ordered 
to  arrest  her  in  the  King's  name.  The  Austrian  troops 
quartered  in  the  city  came  to  the  rescue  at  the  instance  of 
von  Voyna.  All  night  the  heroic  Frenchmen  drank,  swore, 
and  strutted,  brandishing  their  swords  and  clattering  with 
the  scabbards.  But  the  Austrian  soldiers  maintained  a 
steadfast  front ;  and  Hortense  was  protected  and  passed 
out  of  the  city  under  cover  of  a  general  review  of 
French  troops,  mustered  to  prevent  the  risk  of  a  collision 
between  the  French  and  Austrian  soldiers.  After  much 
anxiety  and  danger  the  fugitives  reached  Geneva  only 
to  be  ordered  away  at  a  day's  notice,  and  von  Voyna 
had  difficulty  in  obtaining  permission  for  the  party  to 
remain  for  a  few  days  pending  further  instructions  from 
Paris.  Aix,  in  Savoy,  proved  more  hospitable,  and 
there  Hortense  temporarily  established  herself  and  family 
in  a  small  house.  When  the  Abbe  Bertrand  arrived  his 
pupils'  lessons  were  resumed,  and  Hortense  had  the  help 
and  sympathy  of  Mdlle.  Cochelet.  But  she  soon  found 
herself  surrounded  by  Royalist  spies  from  France  and 
precautions  had  to  be  taken  for  the  safety  of  her  children. 
A  crowninor  trouble  occurred  to  the  harassed  woman  in 
the  practical   success   of  her  husband's   lawsuit   for  the 


EXILE— BOYHOOD— ADOLESCENCE      25 

possession  of  his  elder  son.  The  day  arrived  for  the 
departure  of  Napoleon  Louis,  escorted  to  Rome  by  his 
father's  emissary  the  Baron  de  Zuite  ;  and  his  mother 
was  in  despair.  '  I  cannot  describe,'  wrote  Mdlle. 
Cochelet,  '  the  grief  I  felt  at  seeing  Prince  Napoleon 
tear  himself  from  the  arms  of  his  mother  and  his  young 
brother.  I  could  not  calm  the  grief  of  my  dear  Prince 
Louis,  nor  amuse  him  when  he  was  left  alone — the  deeper 
his  woe  because  he  had  never  before  left  his  brother  for 
an  instant.'  Louis  is  described  as  having  been  at  this  time 
a  gentle,  timid  child,  speaking  little  but  thinking  and 
feeling  a  great  deal.  He  had  now  in  effect  become  the 
only  child  of  his  mother,  who  thenceforth  concentrated  on 
him  the  greater  proportion  of  her  maternal  tenderness. 

Quitting  Aix  in  the  early  winter  of  181 5  and 
journeying  towards  Constance,  Hortense  was  met  by  a 
letter  from  her  relative  the  Grand  Duchess  of  Baden 
— the  Stephanie  de  Beauharnais  of  Madame  Campan's 
Academy,  one  of  the  bevy  of  laughing  girls  who  had 
once  made  Malmaison  gay — intimating  very  courteously 
that  no  member  of  the  Bonaparte  family  was  permitted 
to  reside  in  the  Grand  Duchy.  Hortense  pleaded 
illness  and  she  had  passports  authorising  her  sojourn  at 
Constance,  in  the  vicinity  of  which  she  found  a  house 
which  although  out  of  repair  was  habitable.  Its  position 
was  charming,  on  the  tongue  of  land  near  Constance 
where  the  narrowing  channel  of  the  waters  barely 
affords  a  passage  for  the  Rhine,  which  connects  the 
upper  and  the  lower  lake.  Settled  here,  at  least  for  a 
time,  Hortense  concentrated  herself  on  the  education 
of  her  son.  Louis  in  his  childhood  was  a  slow  and 
reluctant  student,  although  he  used  his  natural  gifts  as 


26  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

well  as  his  feeble  health  permitted.  The  Abbe  Bertrand 
in  course  of  time  gave  place  to  M.  Lebas,  who  became 
the  boy's  private  tutor  when  in  1816  Louis  entered  the 
College  of  Augsburg  where,  with  intervals  of  home  life, 
he  remained  for  eight  years.  It  was  in  181 7  that  his 
mother  bought  and  established  herself  in  the  Chateau  of 
Arenenberg,  a  residence  which  Hortense  greatly  beauti- 
fied, in  which  she  died,  and  which  now  belongs  to  the 
Empress  Eugenie.  To  this  delightful  spot  she  had  been 
attracted  not  only  on  account  of  the  hospitable  invitation 
of  the  good  people  of  the  Canton  of  Thurgau,  but  also 
because  of  the  vicinity  of  relatives.  The  Chateau  of 
Arenenberg  stands  on  a  magnificently  wooded  hill,  about 
1,400  feet  above  the  level  of  the  sea.  It  overhangs,  not 
the  Lake  of  Constance  itself,  but  what  is  known  as  the 
'  lower  lake,'  between  Constance  and  SchafThausen,  an  ex- 
pansion of  the  Rhine  where  the  river  leaves  the  lake ;  and  it 
is  charmingly  situated  opposite  to  the  isle  of  Reichenau. 

Prince  Louis  is  described  as  having  been  a  singu- 
larly amiable  and  attractive  child,  and  in  youthtime  and 
in  after-years  he  exercised  an  equal  charm.  He  was 
possessed  of  many  accomplishments,  both  physical  and 
mental.  He  was  a  remarkable  swimmer — he  is  said  to 
have  once  swum  across  the  Lake  of  Constance.  He  ex- 
celled in  all  bodily  exercises — as  a  gymnast  few  equalled 
him  in  excellence  ;  and  he  was  an  admirable  horseman. 
To  accomplish  all  this  he  had  to  struggle  against  the  de- 
fects of  a  constitution  naturally  effeminate  ;  yet  he  came 
to  develop  an  uncommon  energy  and  power  of  will. 

On  the  completion  of  his  civilian  education  the  Prince 
adopted  the  military  career,  and  naturally  followed  his 
great  uncle's  example  in  choosing  the  artillery  arm  of  the 


EXILE— BOYHOOD— ADOLESCENCE      27 

service.  Presently  he  joined  the  camp  of  Thun  as  a  volun- 
teer under  the  orders  of  Colonel  Dufour,  one  of  Napo- 
leon's old  officers.  Although  never  quite  robust  in  health 
he  took  his  part  stoutly  in  the  roughest  duties.  The  young 
officers,  it  seems,  fared  in  many  respects  like  common 
soldiers,  marching  out  for  the  day's  work  with  tools  and 
instruments  in  their  knapsacks  and  camping  for  the  night 
in  the  open.  '  The  exercise,'  Prince  Louis  wrote  to 
his  mother,  '  does  me  much  good.  I  have  double  my 
ordinary  appetite.  We  muster  at  six  o'clock  in  the 
morning  and  march,  drums  beating,  to  the  Polygon, 
where  we  remain  until  near  noon.  At  twelve  we  dine, 
and  at  three  we  are  on  the  Polygon  again  until  seven. 
We  sup  at  eight  and  then  go  to  bed,  for  we  are  quite 
prepared  for  sleep.  During  the  entire  day  we  have 
barely  two  hours  free,  in  which  time  there  are  notes  to 
copy  and  drawings  to  make.' 

The  third  Lord  Malmesbury,  who  for  the  first  time 
made  the  acquaintance  of  Prince  Louis  in  1829  in  the 
drawing-room  of  Queen  Hortense  at  Rome  and  who 
remained  his  close  friend  throughout  Napoleon's  eventful 
life,  furnishes  in  his  Memoirs  a  description  of  the  Prince 
at  this  period  of  his  life.  '  Here,'  wrote  Lord  Malmes- 
bury, '  I  met  for  the  first  time  Hortense's  son  Louis 
Napoleon,  then  just  of  age.  Nobody  at  that  time  could 
have  predicted  his  great  and  romantic  career.  He  was 
a  wild,  harum-scarum  youth,  or  what  the  French  call  un 
crane,  riding  at  full  gallop  through  the  streets  to  the 
peril  of  the  public,  fencing  and  pistol-shooting,  and 
apparently  without  serious  thoughts  of  any  kind,  although 
even  then  he  was  possessed  with  the  conviction  that  he 
would  one  day  rule  over  France.      We  became  friends,' 


28  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

— Lord  Malmesbury,  then  Lord  FitzHarris,  was  just  one 
year  older  than  Prince  Louis, — '  but  at  that  time  he 
evinced  no  remarkable  talent  nor  any  fixed  idea  but  the 
one  which  I  mention.  It  grew  upon  him  with  his 
growth  and  increased  daily  until  it  ripened  into  a  cer- 
tainty. He  was  a  very  good  horseman  and  a  proficient 
in  athletic  games  ;  although  short  he  was  very  active 
and  muscular.  His  face  was  grave  and  dark,  but  re- 
deemed by  a  singularly  bright  smile.  Such  was  the 
personal  appearance  of  Louis  Napoleon  in  1829,  at  the 
age  of  twenty-one  years.' 

In  1830  the  Prince  was  full  of  intense  interest  in  the 
Revolution  of  July  of  that  year,  which  exiled  Charles  X. 
and  his  family,  gave  the  throne  of  France  to  Louis 
Philippe,  and  supplanted  the  clrapeau  blanc  of  the 
Bourbons  by  the  tricolour  of  the  Orleanists  and 
subsequently  of  the  Second  Empire.  But  that  interest, 
fervent  though  it  was,  did  not  distract  the  Prince  from 
his  military  duties  at  the  camp  of  Thun.  He  quietly 
worked  and  watched  ;  corresponding  occasionally  wTith 
his  elder  brother,  who  had  married  a  daughter  of  King 
Joseph  and  was  then  living  in  Florence  in  attendance 
on 'the  invalided  father  of  the  brothers. 

It  was  a  serious  discouragement  for  Prince  Louis  and 
his  elder  brother  to  learn  that  one  of  the  conditions  on 
which  the  Great  Powers  were  prepared  to  recognise  Louis 
Philippe  was,  that  he  should  continue  to  maintain  in  force 
the  sentence  of  exile  which  the  Bourbons  had  passed  on 
the  family  of  Napoleon,  and  which  of  course  included 
the  sons  of  Hortense.  She  was  informed  on  the  part  of 
Louis  Philippe  that  she  herself  was  free  to  return  to 
France,  but  only  without  her  children.     The  scorn  with 


EXILE— BOYHOOD— ADOLESCENCE      29 

which  she  repelled  such  a  condition  may  be  imagined. 
Under  disabilities  so  stringent  it  would  have  been  utter 
folly  on  the  part  of  the  brothers,  even  if  a  secret  possi- 
bility had  existed,  to  take  any  measures  in  the  direction 
of  attempting  to  form  a  Napoleonist  Party  in  France. 
But  both  were  full  of  energy  and  were  eager  to  make  a 
career.  The  elder  brother  had  conceived  the  project  of 
joining  the  Greek  cause,  but  was  dissuaded  by  the  urgent 
representations  of  his  mother.  The  warmest  ambition 
of  Prince  Louis  was  to  win  his  rank  in  the  French  army, 
but  that  opportunity  was  denied  him  by  the  proscription 
under  which  he  writhed.  When  the  Liberal  Party  in 
France  was  striving  to  force  the  Government  to  hinder 
Russia  from  sending  her  troops  into  Poland  to  quell  the 
insurrection  in  that  territory,  the  Italian  patriots  became 
encouraged  ;  and  the  young  Princes  rejoiced  in  the  fleet- 
ing assurance  that  the  Citizen- King  would  support  the 
principle  of  non-intervention.  Such  was  the  influence 
of  the  name  of  Napoleon  that  the  chiefs  of  the  Polish 
insurrection  offered  the  young  Louis,  in  1831,  the 
command  of  their  legions  '  as  the  nephew  of  the  greatest 
captain  of  all  ages,'  and  also  the  Crown  of  Poland  ;  but 
the  capture  of  Warsaw  by  the  Russians  put  a  stop  to  this 
proposal.  Prince  Louis  at  Thun  and  Prince  Napoleon 
at  Florence  caught  echoes  of  the  shouts  of  the  exulting 
Liberals  of  the  boulevards.  They  saluted  the  tricolour 
as  the  emblem  of  the  Revolution  and  of  French  glory  ; 
and,  to  use  the  stirring  words  of  Jerrold,  'they  imagined 
that  all  the  romantic  dreams  of  liberty  which  the  excited 
band  of  young  journalists  then  in  the  ascendant  described 
in  glowing  language  were  speedily  to  come  to  pass.'  It 
was   long   a    moot    question    whether    Louis  Napoleon, 


3o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

afterwards  Napoleon  III.,  ever  actually  took  the  oaths  as 
a  Carbonaro.  Cavour  was  convinced  that  he  had  done 
so,  and  used  his  knowledge  of  the  fact  to  a  notable 
purpose.  Count  F.  Arese,  till  the  death  of  Napoleon  III. 
his  close  and  true  friend,  has  not  spoken  positively  on  the 
point.  '  It  cannot,'  he  has  written,  'be  said  that  at  this 
first  period  ' — presumably  in  1829-31 — '  Louis  Napoleon 
was  a  Carbonaro  ;  for  the  Prince  always  appeared  strongly 
opposed  to  sects  of  all  descriptions.  But  it  may  be  said 
that  he  was  one  in  his  young  days — for  in  effect  all  were 
Carbonari  who  laboured  to  drive  the  Austrians  and  their 
representatives  out  of  Italy.'  The  question,  however, 
has  been  decided  beyond  a  doubt  by  the  authoritative 
statements  made  by  Count  Orsi  in  his  '  Recollections  of 
the  Last  Half-Century.' 1  Count  Orsi  writes  as  follows  : 
'  The  organisation  of  secret  societies  which  began  in 
1 82 1  had  in  1829  developed  itself  in  every  part  of  Italy 
to  such  an  extent  as  to  form  a  nucleus  in  the  remotest 
and  poorest  villages  of  the  country.  As  those  societies 
were  the  only  means  of  communication  left  to  the  people, 
every  possible  device  that  could  be  invented  to  avoid 
detection  was  resorted  to  by  their  leaders.  .  .  .  The 
most  powerful  of  those  societies  was  that  called  the  "  Car- 
bonari," of  which  Prince  Napoleon  Louis  and  his  brother 
Prince  Louis  Napoleon  had  become  members.'2 

Count  Orsi,  in  later  pages  of  his  book,  proceeds  to 
afford  further  proof  of  Louis  Napoleon's  membership  of 
the  '  Carbonari.'  He  thus  writes  :  '  I  attended  the  meeting 
convened  by  Prince  Napoleon  at  my  house  on  the  night 
of   Feb.   26,    1 83 1,  at  which  were  present    his    brother 

1  Longmans,  Green  &  Co.,  London,  1881. 

2  Count  Orsi's  Recollections,  p.  5. 


EXILE— BOYHOOD— ADOLESCENCE      31 

Louis  Napoleon,  Ciro  Menotti's  brother,  three  delegates 
from  various  provinces,  and  myself.  .  .  .  One  of  the 
most  remarkable  features  of  this  meeting  was  the  com 
plete  silence  of  Prince  Louis  Napoleon.  He  had  just 
arrived  from  Rome,  and  the  information  he  was  expected 
to  give  us  concerning  the  real  position  and  plan  of  the 
insurrectionary  forces  already  in  the  field  was  the  very 
thing  I  had  been  anxiously  awaiting.  Not  a  word  was 
uttered  by  him.  .  .  .  Speaking  for  the  first  time,  Prince 
Louis  Napoleon  remarked  : 

'  "  You  lose  sight  of  the  engagements  we  have  entered 
into,  and  which  we  swore  to  perform." 

'  "  Engagements  !     With  whom  ?"  said  I. 
1  "  With  the  secret  society  of  Carbonari,  of  which  we 
are  members,"  answered  the  Prince. 

'  "  I  was  not  aware  of  it,"  said  I  ;  "and  such  being 
the  case  I  cannot  help  feeling  even  more  anxious  than  I 
did  before."  ' 

In  October,  1830  Queen  Hortense  accompanied  by 
her  younger  son  Prince  Louis  set  out  from  Arenenberg  to 
pass  the  winter  in  Rome  in  accordance  with  their  wonted 
custom.  On  their  way  they  spent  a  fortnight  at  Florence 
with  Prince  Napoleon,  the  elder  of  the  brothers.  Hortense 
and  Louis  arrived  in  Rome  about  the  middle  of  November. 
What  actually  were  the  designs  of  the  Bonaparte  family 
at  this  time  it  is  impossible  to  determine  with  certainty  ; 
but  there  are  strong  evidences  that  most  of  the  members 
of  it  were  deeply  concerned  in  fomenting  the  anarchy 
prevailing  throughout  the  Peninsula.  A  mother  not 
devoid  of  personal  ambition  and  yet  more  ardent  in 
ambition  for  the  advancement  of  her  sons,  it  is  prob- 
able   that     Hortense    was    neither    surprised    nor    dis- 


32  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

appointed  to  find  in  the  Papal  city  an  assemblage  of 
the  leading  members  of  the  Bonaparte  family  keenly 
watching  impending  events.  In  December  a  sort  of 
family  conclave  was  held  in  the  palace  of  '  Madame 
Mere,'  at  which  among  others  were  present  Cardinal 
Fesch,  Jerome  Bonaparte,  Queen  Hortense,  and  Prince 
Louis.  From  the  wreck  of  the  Empire  the  older 
members  of  the  family  had  salvaged  large  amounts  of 
money,  and  they  were  prepared,  it  was  believed,  to 
utilise  their  opulence  in  the  furtherance  of  the  schemes 
which  they  were  secretly  promoting.  The  opportunity 
was  tempting.  The  misgovernment  and  anarchy  which 
unquestionably  existed  in  the  Papal  States,  in  the  Lom- 
bardo- Venetian  kingdom,  in  Piedmont,  Bologna,  Parma, 
and  even  in  Tuscany,  went  to  encourage  the  aspiration 
that  the  House  of  Bonaparte,  exiled  from  France  though 
it  was,  might  still  erect  for  itself  an  empire  beyond  the 
Alps.  From  the  family  council-board  at  Rome  agents 
and  emissaries  were  being  despatched  in  various  direc- 
tions to  stimulate  the  co-operation  of  the  well-wishers  of 
the  family  and  to  hurry  on  affairs  to  a  crisis.  The  heads 
of  the  house  had  their  own  ends  to  serve  ;  and  it  by  no 
means  followed  that  the  objects  for  which  they  were 
engaged  in  conspiring  were  intrinsically  deserving  of 
censure.  Had  they  succeeded  in  their  enterprises,  it 
was  impossible  that  they  should  have  proved  worse 
rulers  than  the  potentates  whom  they  would  have  sup- 
planted, and  it  is  extremely  likely  that  they  would  have 
proved  much  better.  The  whole  country  from  the  Alps 
to  the  Faro  of  Messina  was  in  a  state  of  great  excite- 
ment, and  all  those  secret  societies  which  for  years  had 
been  labouring    to  bring  about  a  revolution  were  now 


INSURRECTIONIST— CONSPIRATOR      33 

sanguine  that  the  time  was  at  length  at  hand  when  the 
accomplishment  of  the  longed-for  purpose  was  to  be 
achieved.  The  effervescence  of  the  public  mind  was 
perhaps  most  active  in  the  Romagna,  where  the  desire 
for  political  emancipation  penetrated  through  every  rank 
of  society.  Unfortunately  the  people  contented  them- 
selves in  a  great  measure  with  applauding  the  approach- 
ing advent  of  the  Revolution,  instead  of  passionately 
and  purposefully  espousing  its  cause.  Immersed  in  a 
supineness  the  shame  of  which  they  were  not  capable  of 
recognising,  the  masses  were  more  disposed  to  hail  the 
march  of  the  liberators  than  to  take  an  active  and  reso- 
lute part  in  the  patriotic  ranks.  Leaders,  moreover, 
were  lacking  ;  there  was  no  unity,  no  guiding  hand.  In 
Bologna,  Modena,  Parma,  and  Reggio  there  had  sprung 
up  as  many  extemporary  Provisional  Governments — not 
rivals  one  to  the  other,  but  distinct — and  even  deprived 
of  the  idea  of  combining  their  efforts  by  a  foolish  holding 
to  the  principle  of  non-intervention. 

Day  by  day  the  state  of  Italy  became  more  anarchical. 
In  the  streets  of  Rome  the  enthusiastic  patriots  shouted 
for  '  Louis  Philippe,  the  giver  of  independence  to  the 
nations  '  ;  they  believed  in  their  simplicity  that  he  was 
preparing  for  a  crusade  against  the  oppressed — that  he 
would  deliver  Poland  out  of  bondage  and  drive  the 
Austrians  from  Italian  soil.  It  is  needless  to  add  that 
Louis  Philippe  had  not  the  slightest  intention  of  doing 
anything  of  the  kind.  What  he  did  do,  however,  was 
to  '  assure  the  Holy  Father  by  an  express  message,  of  his 
protection  and  intervention  for  the  maintenance  of  the 
Papal  States  under  the  government  of  the  Holy  See.' 
But  meantime    men    from    the   Sabine   mountains,   from 

D 


34  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

the  quarries,  the  marshes,  and  the  mines  began  to  show 
their  fierce  and  rugged  figures  in  the  purlieus  of  Rome. 
Knots  of  conspirators  gathered  muttering  in  the  public 
places.  Among  the  lower  classes  of  the  multitude  an 
inexplicable  movement  was  discernible.  The  Papal 
Government  was  obviously  disquieted  and  the  death  of 
Pius  VIII.  increased  the  effervescence  among-  the  Italian 
youth,  in  whose  minds  the  Revolution  of  July  and  the 
installation  of  a  Constitutional  Kino-  in  France  had  en- 
gendered  the  idea  that  the  time  had  come  to  strike. 

The  spirit  of  disorderly  agitation  was  greatly 
intensified  when  one  day,  with  an  obvious  and  inten- 
tional significance,  Prince  Louis  rode  along  the  Corso 
with  the  tricolour  ostentatiously  displayed  on  his  head- 
gear and  saddle-housings.  The  boldness  of  his  attitude, 
while  it  stirred  the  patriots,  gave  umbrage  to  the  author- 
ities, both  of  which  results  the  Prince  probably  desired. 
The  chief  of  the  Papal  police  went  to  Cardinal  Fesch 
and  demanded  that  Prince  Louis  should  depart  from 
Rome,  adding  that  a  person  less  powerfully  protected 
would  have  been  arrested  and  sent  to  prison.  The 
Cardinal,  himself  concerned  in  revolutionary  intrigues, 
maintained  that  the  Prince  had  committed  no  offence 
and  insisted  that  he  should  not  be  made  to  leave  the 
city.  His  mother  was  in  great  anxiety  ;  she  was  aware 
that  there  was  an  extensive  revolutionary  conspiracy  in 
Rome  and  that  the  conspirators  looked  to  her  son  to 
support  and  lead  them. 

One  afternoon  the  chief  of  the  Pope's  guard  was 
announced ;  the  palace  of  Hortense  was  surrounded 
and  her  son  was  seized  and  carried  off  across  the  frontier 
of  the    Papal    territory.      In    spite    of  her   ambition    on 


INSURRECTIONIST— CONSPIRATOR      35 

behalf  of  her  son,  she  dreaded  a  repetition  in  the  Eternal 
City  of  those  bloody  tragedies  which  near  the  close  of  the 
previous  century  had  made  of  Paris  a  human  shambles  ; 
and  she  was  not  sorry  that  Prince  Louis  should  be 
removed  from  the  impending  outbreak.  Maternal 
solicitude  outweighed  with  Hortense  all  other  considera- 
tions, and  her  mind  was  at  rest  when  she  learned  that 
her  sons  were  with  their  father  in  Florence.  She  wrote 
cautioning  them  to  enter  into  no  rash  undertakings,  and 
warning  them  that  the  Romagna  alone  was  preparing  to 
raise  the  standard  of  revolt.  She  was  not  aware  till 
later  that  on  Feb.  5,  1831,  an  insurrection  had  broken 
out  in  Bologna  and  had  spread  rapidly  through  all  the 
Romagna.  The  tricolour  had  been  hoisted  in  Perugia, 
Spoleto,  Foligno,  and  Terni  ;  the  insurrection  raged  in 
the  provinces  of  Umbria  and  Trasimene ;  Cardinal 
Benvenuto  was  a  prisoner  at  Cosimo  ;  Ancona  surren- 
dered to  Colonels  Sercognani  and  Armandi  ;  and  Maria 
Louisa  fled  from  her  States,  to  which  the  conflagration 
had  spread.  The  standard  of  Young  Italy  soon  floated 
over  the  heights  of  Ottricoli,  and  terror  reigned  in  the 
Vatican.  The  sons  of  Hortense,  without  her  cognisance, 
had  been  fighting  during  most  of  this  turbulent  period. 
The  character  of  the  answer  of  the  Princes  to  the  wise 
and  discreet  letter  of  their  mother  had  tranquillised  the 
mind  of  Hortense,  and  she  remained  quietly  in  Rome 
until  at  length  in  the  beginning  of  March  insurrection 
broke  out  in  that  capital.  Her  sons  immediately  wrote 
to  their  mother  imploring  her  to  leave  Rome,  and  after  a 
hazardous  journey  she  reached  Florence. 

The  expectation  that  she   would  find  her  sons  there 

was    not   fulfilled.      A   servant   of  Prince    Louis   handed 

D  2 


36  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

her  the  following  letter  :  '  Your  affection  will  understand 
us.  We  have  accepted  engagements,  and  we  cannot 
depart  from  them.  The  name  we  bear  obliges  us  to 
help  a  suffering  people  who  call  upon  us.'  The  brothers 
had  displayed  conduct  and  valour.  Menotti,  one  of  the 
most  fervent  leaders  of  the  insurrectionary  movement, 
had  gone  to  Florence  and  addressed  himself  to  the 
Princes.  He  had  appealed  to  the  name  they  bore,  and 
the  young  men  had  become  devoted  to  the  cause.  A 
practical  soldier  who  had  studied  the  art  of  war,  Prince 
Louis  had  been  of  especially  valuable  service,  and  he 
it  was  who  had  planned  the  preliminary  operations  for  a 
coup  de  main  on  Civita  Castellana.  Napoleon,  the  elder 
brother,  with  200  men  had  repulsed  a  considerable  body 
of  Papal  troops  who  had  attempted  to  capture  the  towns 
of  Terni  and  Spoleto  ;  and  Louis  with  another  detach- 
ment was  now  preparing-  for  the  assault  on  Civita 
Castellana.  Solicitude  for  her  sons  had  temporarily 
brought  together  the  long-estranged  King  Louis  and 
Queen  Hortense,  and  courier  after  courier  was  sent  with 
messages  of  recall  to  the  young  men.  But  their  answer 
to  their  parents  was  that  they  were  recognised  by  all  the 
youth  of  the  country  as  their  leaders  ;  and  that  they  were 
on  the  eve  of  seizing  Civita  Castellana  and  of  delivering 
the  prisoners  who  had  been  immured  for  years  in  the 
dungeons  of  that  place. 

But  jealousies  and  the  youth  of  the  brothers  rendered 
it  inexpedient  that  they  should  retain  commands  in 
the  revolutionary  army,  which  were  placed  in  the  more 
experienced  hands  of  Generals  Sercognani  and  Armandi. 
They  were  informed  that  their  position  threatened  to 
become  a  hindrance  to   the  national  cause   and    might 


INSURRECTIONIST— CONSPIRATOR      37 

even  occasion  a  fresh  danger  to  the  patriots  in  the  event 
of  failure.  Content  to  resign  command,  Napoleon  and 
Louis  remained  in  the  field,  insisting  on  continuing  to 
fight  in  the  capacity  of  simple  volunteers.  But  even 
this  service  was  not  permitted  to  them  ;  and  then  their 
troubles  began.  It  seemed  that  their  mere  presence 
with  the  revolutionists  involved  the  brothers  in  danger 
at  the  hands  of  the  neighbouring  Governments.  The 
Provisional  Government  of  Bologna  looked  askance  on 
them.  They  were  banned  from  Tuscany  and  the  ap- 
proaching Austrians  would  probably  accord  them  a  short 
shrift,  for  they  were  excepted  from  the  amnesty  pro- 
claimed by  the  army  of  the  Emperor  on  entering  the 
Papal  territory.  In  fine,  the  brothers  were  in  a  dan- 
gerous dilemma,  for  Austrian  troops  were  approaching 
Ancona. 

It  was  then  that  the  intrepid  mother  resolved  to  carry 
her  sons  into  safety  by  an  unsuspected  route  to  an 
unsuspected  destination.  An  English  gentleman  fur- 
nished Queen  Hortense  with  a  British  passport  in  the 
name  of  an  English  lady  travelling  from  Italy  through 
France  to  England;  and  on  March  10  she  quitted 
Florence  in  search  of  her  sons.  After  delays  at  Foligno 
and  Perugia  she  at  length  was  informed  that  they  had 
recently  been  seen  at  Forli.  On  the  way  thither  the 
disastrous  news  was  brought  to  her  that  her  elder  son 
was  dangerously  ill  and  desired  ardently  to  see  her. 
She  hurried  forward  in  a  state  almost  of  delirium  ;  but 
at  Pesaro  she  was  informed  that  Napoleon  was  dead. 
Then,  sunk  in  unconsciousness,  she  was  laid  on  a  bed 
in  her  nephew's  palace  only  to  be  roused  by  the  arrival 
of  Prince  Louis,  who  threw  himself  on  her  bosom  and 


38  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

told  her  that  his  brother  had  died  of  measles  and  fever 
in  his  arms.  He  himself  was  very  ill.  Accompanied 
by  the  whole  population  of  Forli  he  had  followed  his 
brother  to  the  grave,  on  the  eve  of  the  occupation  of  the 
town  by  the  Austrians. 


CHAPTER    III 

TRAVELLING    IN    DISGUISE FRANCE ENGLAND 

RETURN    TO    ARENENBERG 

While  Hortense  lay  in  Pesaro  prostrated  by  her 
bereavement  she  was  informed  that  the  Austrian  troops 
on  land  were  almost  in  sight  and  that  their  ships  were 
visible  in  the  offing.  She  realised  that  she  had  still  one 
son  left,  whom  she  must  endeavour  to  save  at  all  hazards. 
She  and  Louis  reached  Ancona  after  a  hurried  drive, 
only  to  find  that  there  was  greater  danger  in  Ancona 
than  there  had  been  in  Pesaro.  The  imminence  of  the 
danger  stimulated  the  resourceful  ingenuity  of  Hortense. 
Her  English  passport  was  for  a  lady  travelling  with  two 
sons ;  and  in  order  to  avoid  suspicion  on  the  con- 
templated journey  it  was  necessary  that  she  should 
find  a  substitute  for  the  son  in  his  grave  at  Forli.  At 
this  time  there  was  temporarily  in  Ancona  the  Marquis 
Zappi,  a  young  nobleman  whose  position  was  seriously 
compromised,  since  he  was  the  bearer  of  secret  de- 
spatches to  Paris  from  the  Revolutionary  Government 
of  Bologna.  Hortense  offered  him  the  place  of  her  lost 
son  during  the  journey  she  was  about  to  make  to  Paris ; 
Zappi  consented,  and  preparations  were  at  once  made 
for  departure.  But  meanwhile  Louis  fell  ill  of  the 
disease    which    had    carried    off    his    brother.       In    this 


4o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

dilemma  she  caused  a  berth  to  be  taken  for  her  son  in 
a  vessel  about  to  sail  for  Corfu  and  procured  for  him  a 
passport  for  that  port  duly  signed  by  the  authorities  of 
Ancona.  She  spread  the  report  that  it  was  she  herself  who 
was  ill,  and  had  a  bed  made  up  for  her  son  in  a  cabinet 
close  to  her  own  room.  Her  servants  were  ostenta- 
tiously carrying  baggage  from  the  palace  of  Hortense  to 
a  vessel  which  was  to  sail  the  same  evening  ;  it  duly 
departed  at  nightfall  and  no  one  doubted  that  Louis 
Napoleon  had  left  Italy  in  the  little  craft. 

It  happened  that  the  general  commanding  the  Austrian 
vanguard  which  had  entered  Ancona  was  the  officer 
who  had  escorted  Hortense  and  her  sons  from  Paris  to 
the  frontier  in  1815.  When  after  eight  days  of  anxiety 
and  danger  Prince  Louis  was  pronounced  in  a  condition 
to  travel,  Hortense  apprised  the  Austrian  commander  of 
her  approaching  departure.  The  General  courteously 
furnished  her  with  a  pass  through  the  Austrian  lines  ; 
and  she  informed  him  that  she  would  leave  Ancona  early 
on  the  morning  of  Easter  Sunday.  One  of  her  servants 
feigned  sudden  illness  and  Prince  Louis  dressed  himself 
in  the  livery  of  the  lackey  ;  the  Marquis  Zappi,  who 
had  lain  concealed  in  the  house  of  a  friend,  joined  the 
cortege  in  the  livery  of  another  domestic.  Before  day- 
light Hortense,  and  her  son  disguised  as  a  footman, 
descended  the  great  staircase  at  the  foot  of  which  the 
guard  permitted  her  to  pass  without  interference.  Louis 
Napoleon  stood  in  livery  on  the  footboard  of  his  mother's 
carriage  and  Zappi  on  that  of  the  second  vehicle.  At 
the  gate  of  the  town  the  passports  were  duly  examined 
without  occasioning  any  suspicion.  By-and-by  Hortense 
halted    to    pray    in    the    church    of    Loretto    and    then 


TRAVELLING    IN    DISGUISE— FRANCE     41 

continued  the  journey.  At  Tolentino  a  wretched  Italian 
who  recognised  the  Prince  notwithstanding  his  disguise, 
pointed  him  out  to  the  commander  of  the  Austrian 
detachment  stationed  there  ;  the  officer  replied  that  the 
lady's  passports  were  in  perfect  order  and  that  he  was 
not  there  to  arrest  people. 

Hortense  made  no  pause  until  she  had  passed  the 
last  Austrian  outpost.  Worn  with  fatigue  and  anxiety 
she  nevertheless  pushed  on  through  Foligno  and  Perugia, 
whose  inhabitants  awaited  with  apprehension  the  approach 
of  the  Austrian  masses.  On  nearing  the  Tuscan  frontier 
her  anxieties  and  apprehensions  were  increased  ;  for  all 
over  Tuscany  Louis  and  his  brother  had  been  familiar 
figures.  The  frontier  was  passed  in  the  dead  of  night. 
The  Commissioner  of  Police  was  absent  and  had  left 
orders  that  nobody  should  pass  the  barrier  until  his 
return.  Ultimately  Hortense' s  courier  found  the  Com- 
missioner, who  visd'd  the  passport  on  the  courier's 
assurance  that  Prince  Louis  was  not  of  the  party.  At 
Camoscia  the  travellers  were  to  leave  the  high  road  and 
go  by  short  stages  to  Siena.  But  no  relays  of  horses 
were  procurable  at  Camoscia.  Hortense  waited  in  her 
carriage  in  the  street,  for  the  inn  was  full.  Prince  Louis, 
the  future  Emperor  of  the  French,  in  the  dress  of  a 
flunkey  slept  on  a  stone  bench  out  in  the  open  until  at 
length  horses  were  procured. 

After  driving  through  the  charming  valley  of  Chiana 
during  the  whole  day,  the  travellers  reached  a  quiet  little 
town  where  they  ventured  to  take  a  night's  rest. 

1  Without  that  night's  sleep,'  wrote  Hortense,  '  I  should 
have  died.'  On  this  little-frequented  road  the  travellers 
were  in  comparative  safety.     But  the  incognito  could  not 


42  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

be  long  maintained.  Queen  Hortense  had  to  go  through 
Siena,  where  she  was  well  known,  since  she  had  been 
in  the  habit  of  passing  through  the  place  every  year  on 
her  way  to  Rome.  She  now  took  the  bold  course  of 
passing  through  the  city  openly  in  full  day  ;  but  this 
would  have  been  imprudent  for  Prince  Louis.  While 
the  Queen's  passports  were  being  examined  at  the  gate 
Louis  jumped  from  behind  the  carriage,  and  dodging  along 
the  bye-lanes  made  quickly  towards  the  street  leading 
to  the  Florence  gate.  Owing  to  the  number  of  travel- 
ing English  swarming  in  the  town  a  stay  in  Siena 
was  impossible  ;  so  the  party  repaired  to  a  roadside  inn 
outside  the  town,  the  Prince  having  been  taken  up  after 
a  search  for  him  on  the  way. 

Early  on  the  following  morning  the  travelling  party 
was  safe  in  Pisa.  By  this  time  Prince  Louis  and 
Zappi  had  changed  their  clothes,  and  as  Fritz,  Queen 
Hortense's  old  domestic,  expressed  himself,  '  the  servants 
had  ceased  to  be  masters.'  From  this  time  Queen 
Hortense  was  an  English  lady  travelling  with  her  two 
sons,  although  Prince  Louis  was  the  only  member  of  the 
party  who  could  speak  English,  and  he  then  only  with  a 
marked  French  accent.  Their  incognito  went  for  very 
little.  At  Lucca  the  landlord  of  the  inn  recognised  the 
courier  of  the  travellers,  and  the  jeweller  of  the  Court 
of  Florence  did  not  need  to  look  at  them  twice.  It  was 
in  the  valley  of  Sevarezza  near  Pietra  Santa  where  the 
elder  son  of  Hortense  had  formerly  lived  with  his  wife, 
that  Hortense  for  the  first  time  could  breathe  freely. 
Perhaps  no  spot  in  Italy  is  more  lovely.  '  It  unites,'  so 
wrote  St.  John,  '  the  magnificence  of  Switzerland  with 
the    softness    of    the    south — delicious    valleys,    marble 


TRAVELLING    IN    DISGUISE— FRANCE     43 

mountains,  lofty  spreading  trees,  glimpses  of  the  distant 
sea,  and  a  sky  of  deep  azure  tinged  towards  the  horizon 
with  the  soft  glow  of  evening.'  The  thoughts  of  the 
mother,  like  those  of  her  son,  were  with  the  dead. 
Here  Hortense  persuaded  herself  that  it  would  be 
delightful  to  pass  what  remained  to  her  of  life,  plunged 
in  soft  melancholy  and  communing  quietly  with  her  own 
ideas.  The  mother  and  son  proceeded  until  they  came 
within  sight  of  the  foundations  of  the  house  which  the 
young  Napoleon  had  begun  to  build  for  himself.  The 
grass  was  now  springing  up  among  the  stones,  as  he 
lay  at  rest  in  the  church  of  Forli. 

The  party  hurried  through  a  dependency  of  the 
Duchy  of  Modena,  where  there  was  reason  to  fear  the 
vigilant  police  of  the  Duke.  Finally  Genoa  was 
reached,  where  the  British  Consul  affixed  his  visd  to 
their  passports  without  any  difficulty.  At  length,  after 
having  been  recognised  times  out  of  number  but  never 
betrayed,  the  fugitives  found  themselves  once  more  on 
French  soil.  They  had  entered  territory  from  setting 
foot  on  which  they  had  been  proscribed  ;  but  after  sixteen 
years  of  exile  they  were  in  their  native  land  once  again, 
and  they  slept  happily  that  night  at  Cannes. 

The  members  of  the  Bonaparte  family  were  by  law 
exiled  from  France  and  forbidden  to  return  on  pain  of 
death.  But  Hortense  and  her  son  had  little  apprehen- 
sion that  in  their  case  the  law  would  be  sternly  enforced, 
although  they  took  the  precaution  of  travelling  under 
names  different  from  their  own.  When  Hortense  had  been 
sent  into  exile  in  181 5,  she  had  carried  with  her  letters 
from  Louis  Philippe's  mother  and  from  his  aunt  the 
Duchess  of   Bourbon,   in    which  they  had   thanked  her 


44  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

warmly  for  having  obtained  pensions  for  them  and  for 
permission  to  remain  in  France — letters  which  were  long 
extant.  Louis  Philippe  had  commissioned  the  Grand 
Duchess  of  Baden  to  inform  Queen  Hortense  that  she 
might  always  rely  on  his  good  offices.  The  resolution  of 
Hortense  and  her  son  was  to  travel  direct  to  Paris, 
to  make  known  to  him  their  presence,  and  to  place 
themselves  in  his  hands. 

Hortense  in  her  Memoirs  recounts  with  what  happi- 
ness she  noted  that  as  they  journeyed  forward  towards 
Paris,  her  son  threw  off  the  weight  of  melancholy  which 
had  oppressed  him  since  the  death  of  his  brother. 
'When  we  stopped  anywhere,'  she  wrote,  'he  would  go 
for  a  walk  in  the  streets,  enter  the  cafes,  gossip  with  the 
people  whom  he  met,  and  then  return  and  relate  to  me 
all  that  he  had  seen  and  heard.  In  some  places,  finding 
that  he  had  come  recently  from  Italy  he  was  asked 
about  the  death  of  young  Napoleon,  the  questioners  little 
imagining  to  whom  they  were  addressing  themselves. 
But  it  was  when  we  passed  through  a  garrison  town  that 
he  hastened  to  examine  the  soldiers  and  their  equipments 
with  the  greatest  minuteness.  .  .  .  My  son,  electrified 
by  the  atmosphere  of  the  country  he  loved  so  much,  had 
only  one  desire — to  remain  in  it,  to  serve  in  it  as  a  simple 
soldier.'  This  was  the  object  of  the  following  letter 
which  Louis  Napoleon  addressed  to  King  Louis  Philippe, 
from  which  some  passages  were  excised  by  the  advice  of 
M.  Casimir  Perier : 

'  "  Sire,  —  I  venture  to  address  myself  to  your 
Majesty,  as  the  representative  of  the  Great  Nation,  to 
ask  you  a  favour  which  is  the  sole  object  of  my  ambition. 
I  pray  you,  Sire,  to  open  the  gates  of  France  to  me,  and 


TRAVELLING    IN    DISGUISE— FRANCE     45 

to  allow  me  to  serve  as  a  simple  soldier.  I  could  console 
myself  for  absence  from  my  country  when,  in  an  unfor- 
tunate land,  liberty  called  me  under  her  standards  ;  but 
now  that  courage  has  been  compelled  to  yield  to  numbers, 
I  have  found  myself  obliged  to  fly  from  Italy.  Nearly 
all  the  States  of  Europe  are  closed  against  me.  France 
is  the  only  one  where  it  would  not  be  reproached  to  me 
as  a  crime  that  I  had  embraced  the  sacred  cause  of  a 
people's  independence ;  but  a  cruel  law  banishes  me. 
Separated  from  my  family,  inconsolable  for  the  loss  of 
my  brother  who  died  in  Romagna  after  having  given  so 
many  proofs  of  his  love  of  liberty,  life  would  be  insup- 
portable to  me  if  I  did  not  continue  to  hope  that  your 
Majesty  will  permit  me  to  return  as  simple  citizen  to  the 
French  ranks — happy  if  one  day  I  may  die  fighting  for 
my  country.  France  and  your  Majesty  might  rely  on 
my  oaths  and  on  my  gratitude.' 

M.  Perier  expressed  his  approval  of  this  appeal,  which 
he  undertook  to  present  to  the  King  ;  but  so  far  as  is 
known  no  notice  was  ever  taken  of  it.  Louis  Philippe 
desired  in  the  French  army  no  ambitious  and  ardent 
young  scions  of  the  House  of  Bonaparte.  He  was  wise 
in  his  generation. 

M.  Guizot  thus  describes  in  his  Memoirs  the  arrival 
in  Paris,  in  April,  1831,  of  Queen  Hortense  and  her  son : 
'  On  her  arrival,  Queen  Hortense  addressed  herself  to 
Count  d'Houdetot  the  King's  aide-de-camp,  begging 
him  to  inform  the  King  of  her  position.  The  King 
received  her  secretly  at  the  Palais  Royal  ;  whither  the 
Oueen  and  Madame  Adelaide  came  also  to  see  her. 
The  Queen  and  Queen  Hortense  were  seated  on  the 
bed,  the  King  and  Madame  Adelaide  upon  the  only  two 


46  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

chairs.  The  King  and  Queen  showed  the  kindest 
interest  in  the  condition  of  Queen  Hortense.  She 
wished  to  be  permitted  to  return  to  France,  or  at  any 
rate  to  go  to  the  waters  of  Vichy. 

'  "Vichy,  yes,"  said  the  King,  "for  your  health  ;  it 
will  be  considered  quite  natural.  And  then  you  can  pro- 
long your  stay,  or  you  can  return." 

'  She  desired  also  to  press  some  pecuniary  claims  on 
the  Government.  The  King  promised  all  the  help  in  his 
power  ;  but  referred  M.  Casimir  Perier  to  her,  whom  she 
did  not  receive  without  misgivings.  "  I  know,  sir,"  she 
said,  as  the  Minister  entered  her  room  in  the  Hotel  de 
Hollande,  "  that  I  have  violated  a  law  ;  you  have  the 
right  to  arrest  me." 

'  "  Legally,  yes  ;  justly,  no,"  answered  the  Minister, 
and  presently  he  departed,  having  offered  Hortense  any 
help  she  required,  which  she  refused.' 

Queen  Hortense  has  contradicted  in  many  particulars 
the  account  of  M.  Guizot.  Her  version  was  that  Louis 
Philippe  when  informed  of  the  arrival  in  Paris  of 
Hortense,  was  exceedingly  incensed  and  sent  M. 
d'Houdetot  to  intimate  his  refusal  to  see  her.  That 
emissary  told  her  that  the  King  had  said  that '  he  deplored 
the  audacity  of  the  Duchesse  de  St.  Leu  in  returning  to 
France,  and  that  he  could  not  consent  to  an  interview 
with  her.'  But  later  his  Majesty  sanctioned  a  visit  to 
Hortense  on  the  part  of  M.  Casimir  Perier  the  President 
of  the  Council,  the  result  of  which  was  that  the  King 
consented  to  see  her  in  the  Palais  Royal.  The  ladies  of 
Louis  Philippe's  family  were  present  at  the  interview. 
Nothing  could  exceed  their  politeness  and  their  insincerity. 
His    Majesty    received    Queen    Hortense    with    all    the 


TRAVELLING    IN    DISGUISE— FRANCE     47 

graciousness  and  courtesy  which  were  the   distinguishing 
characteristics  of  the  '  Citizen-King.'     After  a  short  pre- 
lude he  began  to  speak  of  the  subject  which  he  knew  lay 
nearest  to  the  heart  of  Hortense,  the  abrogation  of  the 
sentence  of  exile.      '  I   know,'  said  he,  '  all  the  bitterness 
of  exile,  and  it  is  not  my  fault  that  yours  is  not  yet  ended. 
But,'  he  added,  '  the  day  is  at  hand  when  there  shall  be 
no   more  exiles!     I   shall   have  none  during  my  reign.' 
Hortense  informed  his  Majesty  that  her  son  had  accom- 
panied her  to  Paris  ;  and  that   he  desired  to  beg  of  the 
King   that   his    Majesty  would  allow  him  to    enter  the 
French  army.      It  seemed  that  the   King  had  suspected 
the  coming  of  the  Prince  ;  and  he  was  very  desirous  that 
the  presence   in   Paris   of  the   mother  and  son  should  be 
kept  quite  secret — he  had  divulged  the  fact  to  none  of  his 
Ministers  except  M.  Casimir  Perier.      He  added  that  if 
circumstances  permitted  he  should  be  happy  to  fulfil  the 
aspiration  of  Prince  Louis.      '  I  wish  you  to  understand,' 
said  Louis  Philippe  to   Hortense,  '  that  in  every  respect 
I  shall  consider  it  a  pleasure  to  serve  you.      I  am  aware 
that  you  have  a  claim  for  considerable  sums,  and  that 
the  State  has  hitherto  neglected  to  do  you  justice.     Write 
down  everything   which   France  owes  you,  and  send  the 
account    to    me.      I   know  something  about  this  sort  of 
business  and  I  will  be  your  chargd  d'affaires' 

Hortense  believed  in  the  King's  honesty  and  friend- 
ship, and  was  greatly  touched  by  his  affability.  Queen 
Marie  Amelie,  as  well  as  Madame  Adelaide,  showed  her 
great  sympathy.  But  it  was  significant  that  the  latter 
asked  Hortense  how  long  she  meant  to  remain  in  Paris  ; 
and  that  when  Hortense  replied  that  she  would  probably 
prolong    her   stay    for   three    days,    Madame    Adelaide 


48  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

exclaimed,   in  obvious  alarm,   '  So  long  ?     Three  whole 
days  ?     Are    you   aware    that    there  are   a  great  many 
English  families  here  who  have  seen  your  son  in   Italy 
and  may  recognise  him  ? ' 

When  Hortense  returned  to  her  hotel  from  her  visit 
to  the  Palais  Royal,  she  found,  so  she  tells,  her  unfor- 
tunate son  in  bed  suffering  from  a  recrudescence  of  the 
fever  from  which  he  had  suffered  in  Italy.  The  physician 
called  in  declared  that  he  had,  besides,  a  dangerous  in- 
flammation of  the  throat.  This  is  the  account  of  Hor- 
tense. It  must,  however,  be  stated  that  another  version 
is  extant  for  which  M.  Thirria,  the  author  of  '  Napo- 
leon III.  avant  l'Empire,'  is  responsible.  His  story  is 
that  on  the  morning  after  Hortense's  visit  to  the  Palais 
PvOyal  M.  Casimir  Perier  said  to  Louis  Philippe  at  the 
Cabinet  Council, — '  Did  not  the  Duchess  of  St.  Leu 
present  to  you  the  excuse  on  behalf  of  her  son  that  he 
was  confined  to  his  room  by  illness  ?  Well,  believe  me, 
his  plea  of  indisposition  was  feigned.  At  the  time  your 
Majesty  was  receiving  the  mother  the  son  was  in  con- 
ference with  the  chief  leaders  of  the  Republican  Party, 
and  was  devising  with  them  the  means  whereby  your 
throne  might  be  overthrown.'  Thirria  adds  that  there 
could  be  no  question  as  to  the  Prince's  relations  with  the 
Republicans,  and  that  they  existed  more  or  less  actively 
until  December,  1848. 

This  anecdote  must  be  taken  for  what  it  may  be 
worth.  Louis  Philippe  and  his  Minister  could  afford  to 
disregard  the  efforts  of  the  Republican  Party  to  sub- 
vert the  throne.  The  Bonapartists  were  not  more  for- 
midable. In  the  Revolution  of  1830  scarcely  any  voices 
were  heard  uttering  the  name  of  the  great  Emperor  in  a 


TRAVELLING    IN    DISGUISE— FRANCE     49 

city  which  had  so  long  echoed  to  that  sound.  Ladvocat 
and  Dumvulin,  two  men  without  influence,  military 
reputation,  or  celebrity  of  any  kind,  had  conceived  for  a 
moment  the  idea  of  proclaiming  the  Empire  :  both  were 
jeered  at  as  visionaries.  Old  General  Gourgaud,  who 
had  returned  from  St.  Helena,  alone  made  a  feeble 
effort  to  stir  the  dulling  pulses  of  his  brother-veterans  ; 
and  he  went  so  far  before  he  flickered  out  as  to  protest 
against  the  nomination  of  the  Duke  of  Orleans.  But  in 
effect,  at  this  time  there  existed  no  Bonapartist  Party. 
The  nominal  head  of  the  House  of  Napoleon  was  the 
Duke  of  Reichstadt,  an  Austrian  prince  living  in  Vienna 
under  surveillance.  Joseph's  protest  from  America  was 
at  once  futile  and  belated.  Most  of  the  members  of  the 
Bonapartist  family  were  living  in  Italy  possessed  for  the 
greater  part  by  local  ambitions,  in  aid  of  which  they  had 
a  sufficiency  of  means.  The  Chamber  of  Deputies  gave 
the  crown  of  France  to  Louis  Philippe  in  virtue  of  the 
fact  that  he  was  the  only  possible  compromise  of  a 
dangerous  position  ;  the  only  safeguard,  in  the  words  of 
Thiers,  '  against  a  republic  and  its  inevitable  tempests.' 
As  for  Prince  Louis  Napoleon,  he  was  a  mere  negligible 
quantity  now  and  for  five  years  later ;  a  grown  man  he 
nevertheless  dangled  on  his  mother's  apron-strings. 

Sick  or  shamming,  Prince  Louis  remained  in  bed  in 
the  Hotel  de  Hollande  ;  and  his  mother  never  left  him 
except  to  receive  M.  Perier's  daily  visit  to  inquire  in  the 
Kind's  name  as  to  the  Prince's  health.  The  Minister 
and  Queen  Hortense  became  very  friendly.  'As  regards 
you  personally,  a  ready  consent,'  said  Perier,  '  would  be 
given  to  your  return  to  France  ;  but  your  son's  name 
would    be  an    obstacle  in   his  case.      If  later  he  should 

E 


5o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

aspire  to  enter  the  French  army  he  would  have  to 
relinquish  his  name.'  Louis  overheard  the  remark  and 
broke  out  into  a  passion.  '  What ! '  he  exclaimed,  '  sacri- 
fice my  name  ?  Who  dares  to  make  to  me  such  a  pro- 
position ?  Let  us  return  into  obscurity.  You  were 
right,  mother  ;  the  hour  of  the  Napoleons  has  passed — 
or  has  not  yet  arrived ! ' 

For  the  time  Louis  Philippe  needed  to  feel  no 
concern  regarding  the  young  man  whose  letter,  if  he  had 
received  it,  he  had  not  deigned  to  answer.  It  was  really 
by  a  fagon  de  parler  that  Louis  Napoleon  could  call 
himself  a  Frenchman.  He  was  now  in  his  twenty-third 
year,  and  since  the  age  of  seven  he  had  seen  scarcely 
anything  of  his  native  land.  He  needed  to  assume  no 
incognito  ;  his  old  nurse  of  the  Rue  Cerutti  would  not 
have  recognised  him.  There  was  in  Paris  a  varied 
wealth  of  intense  interest  for  this  curiously  belated  quasi- 
Frenchman  ;  but  he  had  the  misfortune  to  be  debarred 
from  making  any  pilgrimages  or  any  explorations. 
Hortense  and  her  son  had  been  eleven  days  in  Paris, 
and  Louis  was  reported  to  be  still  in  a  very  serious 
condition.  On  the  afternoon  of  May  4,  M.  d'Houdetot, 
the  aide-de-camp  of  the  King,  came  in  great  haste  to 
insist  that  the  departure  from  Paris  of  Hortense  and 
her  son  could  no  longer  be  postponed.  This  imperative 
urgency  was  occasioned  by  the  circumstance  that  the 
following  day  chanced  to  be  the  anniversary  of  the  death 
of  Napoleon  the  Great.  The  celebration  was  an  annual 
remembrance  of  the  name  which  France  will  never  allow 
to  fall  into  oblivion  ;  but  in  1831  the  occasion  was 
honoured  with  exceptional  warmth,  because  the  Premier 
had  carried  in  the  Chamber  the  proposal  to  reinstate  the 


ENGLAND  51 

statue  of  Napoleon  on  the  Vendome  Column,  and  the 
work  was  actually  in  progress.  Already  great  excitement 
prevailed  throughout  the  capital  ;  and  it  was  with  feelings 
of  apprehension  that  Louis  Philippe's  Government,  not 
yet  a  year  old,  regarded  an  anniversary  so  charged  with 
momentous  memories.  From  the  earliest  dawn  through- 
out the  long  day  dense  crowds  gathered  around  the 
Vendome  Column,  loading  the  eagles  and  the  railings 
surrounding  it  with  garlands  and  crowns  of  flowers. 
Hortense  had  been  watching  the  interesting  spectacle 
from  the  window  of  her  apartment  looking  into  the 
Place,  and  possibly  she  was  recognised.  What  occurred 
was  in  effect  that  a  hasty  knock  was  heard  at  her  door, 
and  that  M.  d'Houdetot,  pale  and  confused,  entered  the 
room.  '  Madame  ! '  he  said  hurriedly,  '  you  must  depart 
at  once.  I  am  ordered  to  tell  you  that  not  another 
hour  will  be  allowed  unless  the  doctor  is  prepared 
to  state  that  Prince  Louis'  life  will  be  absolutely  en- 
dangered by  a  journey  so  sudden.'  Ultimately  the 
travellers  started  for  England  on  the  early  morning  of 
the  6th. 

A  few  days  later  they  arrived  in  London,  where  the 
unfortunate  Louis  was  promptly  attacked  by  jaundice. 
The  best  people  called  on  the  exiles,  who  thoroughly 
enjoyed  themselves  in  the  free  atmosphere  of  England, 
dined  at  Holland  House  and  other  notable  mansions,  and 
paid  a  lengthened  visit  to  Woburn  Abbey.  Talleyrand, 
then  the  French  Ambassador  to  England,  lost  no  time 
in  inquiring  the  object  of  the  visit  of  Queen  Hortense 
and  her  son.  The  reply  was  that  they  were  on  their 
way  to  Switzerland  by  way  of  Belgium,  an  answer  which 

threw  the  diplomatic  world  into  a  temporary  commotion, 

e  2 


52  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

since  that  little  monarchy  had  been  very  recently  consti- 
tuted.    Prince  Leopold,  indeed,  had  not  yet  been  elected 
to  its  throne  ;  and  the  voice  of  rumour  had  it  that  Prince 
Louis    intended    to   try    his    fortune    in    that    direction. 
Leopold,  an  old  friend  of  Hortense,  rallying  Prince  Louis 
as  to  the  canard,  said  jocosely,    '  You'll  not  pocket   my 
little  kingdom  as  you  go  home,  I  hope.'     On  the  surface 
the    stay    in    England  of  Louis  and   his  mother  had  no 
political    character  or  significance.     Apparently    mother 
and   son    were  wholly   absorbed    in    the  courtesies  and 
pleasures  of  society.     They  visited,  they  dined  at  great 
houses,  they  to  all  appearance  had  no  concealments  and 
no  concerns  ;  but  in  reality  they  lived  in  an  atmosphere 
of  plot,   intrigue,  and  jealousy.     The  Duchesse  de  Berri, 
who    was    then  living  at  Bath,  had  at  once  hurried  to 
London  to  watch  Hortense.     This  bold  and  enterprising 
lady  was  already  engaged  in  preparations  for  an  expedition 
to   France,  in  the  forlorn  hope  of  fomenting  an  insur- 
rection having   for  its  object  a  revolution  which  should 
restore  the  Legitimist  dynasty  and  place  on  the  throne 
of  France  her  son,  the  Comte  de  Chambord,  a  boy  of 
eleven.      She   suspected,    and    probably    with   reason,  a 
counterplot    on    the  part  of   Hortense  having  a  similar 
character  and  object. 

Joseph  Bonaparte  had  quitted  his  retirement  at  Bor- 
dentown — a  spot  in  the  American  State  of  New  Jersey, 
where  he  had  bought  a  property  on  which  he  had  built 
himself  a  mansion,  in  which  he  had  resided  under  the  name 
of  Comte  de  Survilliers — on  the  errand  of  ascertaining 
whether  it  would  be  worth  while  to  take  a  hand  in  a  plot 
against  Louis  Philippe.  But  the  discovery  was  made 
that  the  Bonapartists  of  character  and  devotedness  were 


''.---" 


3^1 


LOUIS    NAPOLEON,     \l   IKKWARliS    NAPOLEON    III. 
i«  a  drawing  made  by  Goitbaud,  in  London,  1831) 


ENGLAND  53 

at  this  period  not  strong  in  France  ;  and   the   idea  was 
suggested    that    an    advantage   might    be   gained    by  a 
coalition  with  the  Republicans.     A  well-known  politician 
has   written :     '  Lafitte   and    Lafayette   were  won  over, 
and  several  other  Republicans  of  distinction  repaired  to 
London  in  the  hopes  of  being  able  to  ripen  that  notable 
scheme  of  fusion.     Several  generals  of  Louis  Philippe's 
army  displayed  considerable  eagerness  to  transfer  their 
allegiance  ;  but  not  being  able  to  invent  any  reasonable 
pretext  for  visiting  the  British  capital,  they  instead  went 
clandestinely  to  Ostend,  where  Prince  Louis  Napoleon 
met  them.     What  was  to  have  formed  the  basis  of  the 
new  revolution  had  it  occurred,  was  never  divulged.      In 
all  likelihood  it   would  have   been   Republican  in  name, 
but  certainly  Bonapartist  in  reality.     About  the  mode  of 
carrying    it   out    Louis    Napoleon    and    Joseph    differed 
essentially,  the  former  being  desirous  of  pushing  things 
at    once    to    extremities,    while    the    latter,    with    the 
characteristic    timidity    of   age,    sought    all    manner    of 
pretexts  for  procrastination.      Meanwhile  the  actual  con- 
ductors of  the  journal   '  La  Tribune,'  having  discovered 
the  design  of  the  conspirators  denounced  it  with  great 
severity.      They    went    back    over   the    bloody    history 
of  the     Revolution  ;    they   enumerated    the    victims    of 
Napoleon  I.'s  perfidy  and  despotism,  and  they  earnestly 
and    vigorously   cautioned    the    French    nation    against 
being    deluded    a    second    time  by  any  member  of  the 
Bonaparte   family,  against    which    they    inveighed  as  a 
tyrannical  cabal  utterly  irreconcilable  with  liberty.     This 
outspoken  philippic  was  attributed  to  the  suggestion  of 
Louis   Philippe,  with   some  colour  of  reason  ;  but   with 
whomsoever  it  originated,  it  had  its  effect  in  thwarting 


54  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

the  designs   of  the   Bonapartes    and  in    postponing   for 
nearly  twenty  years  their  advent  to  power.' 

It  ultimately  became  evident  to  Prince  Louis  that 
any  attempt  in  the  direction  of  action  would  at  this  time 
be  premature.  The  French  Ambassador  furnished  him 
and  his  mother  with  passports,  and  they  returned 
to  Arenenberg  through  France,  travelling  incognito. 
During  the  journey  they  discovered  that  there  had  not 
been  time  for  the  French  people  to  grow  tired  of  King 
Louis  Philippe,  who,  indeed,  was  then  still  quite  popular 
with  the  bulk  of  his  subjects.  Since  no  wider  field  of 
action  lay  open  to  Prince  Louis,  he  cheerfully  concerned 
himself  with  his  neighbours  and  his  local  surroundings. 
Having  become  a  Swiss  citizen — he  had  bought  his 
citizenship  in  the  village  of  Ermatingen,  just  below  the 
Chateau  of  Arenenberg — he  was  duly  called  upon  to 
undergo  his  statutory  term  of  military  service  ;  and,  along 
with  Mocquard  (later  his  Minister),  he  served  as  an 
officer  of  artillery  in  the  Swiss  army  at  the  camp  of 
Thun.  He  became  greatly  interested  in  his  special  arm, 
regarding  which  he  had  already  made  some  important 
scientific  studies  ;  and  he  elaborated  a  number  of  novel 
combinations  regarding  explosive  cannon  balls  which  at 
that  period  were  still  chiefly  of  a  spherical  form.  He 
employed  a  manufacturer  of  scientific  instruments  in 
Schaffhausen  to  construct  for  him  finely  worked  brass 
models  or  patterns  of  those  inventions.  Having  acquired 
the  Swiss-German  language,  he  lived  on  friendly  terms 
with  the  worthy  inhabitants  of  the  vicinity  of  Arenenberg, 
especially  with  his  nearest  neighbours  the  villagers  of 
Ermatingen,  where  he  was  quite  a  familiar  visitor  and  was 
at  one  time  a  member  of  the  Gemeinde  Rath  or  Communal 


RETURN    TO   ARENENBERG  55 

Council.  He  had  many  friends  throughout  the  Canton 
of  Thurgau  in  which  Arenenberg  is  situated,  among 
whom  was  Dr.  Kern,  later,  under  the  Empire,  Minister 
Plenipotentiary  of  the  Swiss  Confederation  in  Paris. 

The  Prince  was  a  very  good  marksman  with  the  then 
very  heavy  arm  of  precision  used  by  the  Swiss  Sharp- 
shooters, and  he  frequently  took  part  in  the  regular 
rifle  meetings  held  in  the  neighbouring  Swiss  towns. 
On  one  of  those  occasions,  a  yearly  festival  of  the  Society 
of  Sharpshooters  at  Schaffhausen,  he  experienced  some 
unpleasantness  by  being  forcibly  ejected  from  the  shoot- 
ing stand  in  consequence  of  his  refusing  to  conform  to 
the  standing  rules  ;  and  this  ejection,  by  a  curious  coin- 
cidence, was  executed  by  the  descendant  of  a  French 
Protestant  family  which  had  long  previously  been  ex- 
pelled from  France. 

But  the  chief  employment  of  Louis  Napoleon  at 
this  comparatively  uneventful  period  of  his  life  was  with 
his  pen.  He  was  a  copious  writer.  His  first  work  was 
entitled  '  Political  Reflections,'  including  a  project  for  a 
new  French  Constitution.  The  manuscript  had  the 
advantage  of  being  revised  and  altered  on  several  points 
by  the  illustrious  Chateaubriand,  who  happened  at  that 
time  to  be  on  a  visit  at  the  Chateau  of  Arenenberg. 
The  '  Political  Reflections '  may  be  accepted  as  the 
political  programme  with  which  Prince  Louis  was  by- 
and-by  to  appeal  to  France.  It  was,  in  effect,  the 
carefully  elaborated  result  of  his  study  of  his  great 
uncle's  life  and  works,  adapted  according  to  his  own 
personal  views,  to  the  wants  and  desires  of  the  French 
people.  It  was  the  outline,  in  short,  of  the  regime  which 
he  was  prepared  to  establish  ;  and   it  embodied   in  effect 


56  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

the  form   of  Constitution   with   which   in    his  hand  the 
Prince  was  later  to  make  his  attempt  on  Strasburg. 

The  '  Reflections '  were  presently  followed  by  a  pam- 
phlet in  a  yellow  paper  cover,  on  the  title-page  of  which 
were  the  words  '  Political  and  Military  Considerations  in 
regard  to  Switzerland.'  The  author's  brief  and  modest 
preface  is  as  follows  :  '  I  commend  to  the  indulgence  of 
my  readers  these  reflections,  which  I  submit  to  their 
judgment.  If,  in  speaking  of  Switzerland,  I  have  been 
unable  to  prevent  the  frequent  recurrence  of  my  thoughts 
to  France,  I  trust  that  my  digressions  may  be  pardoned, 
for  the  interest  wherewith  a  free  nation  inspires  me 
naturally  augments  my  love  for  my  own  country.  I 
counsel  the  Swiss  to  be  always  the  allies  of  France, 
because  their  local  interest  invites,  because  their  interest 
as  a  civilised  nation  impels  them  to  that  result.'  This 
brochure  published  in  1833,  was  mainly  the  outcome  of 
the  studies  which  the  Prince  had  been  pursuing  at  Thun. 
It  was  the  result  of  some  thought,  reading,  and  ex- 
perience. The  views  he  advocated  were  naturally  those 
of  a  Frenchman  of  the  Napoleonic  School.  He  was  at 
this  early  period  of  his  career  a  Republican,  although  he 
found  a  crucial  difficulty  in  reconciling  his  political  ideas 
with  the  traditions  of  his  family — above  all,  with  his 
reverence  for  Napoleon.  Among  his  chief  mental  idio- 
syncrasies derived  from  that  homage  were  his  hatred  of 
England  and  the  aspiration,  then  cherished  more  or  less 
deeply  by  nearly  all  Frenchmen,  of  avenging  the  defeat  of 
Waterloo.  What  of  philosophy  he  then  possessed  had 
not  yet  taught  him  to  regard  with  calmness  the  events 
of  history,  and  to  reflect  that  it  is  the  destiny  of  great 
nations   to   have   to  experience  alternations  of  victories 


RETURN    TO   ARENENBERG  57 

and  reverses.  It  had  not  yet  come  to  him  to  realise  that 
the  animus  of  revenge  is  incompatible  with  civilisation 
in  its  best  sense ;  and  Mr.  Jerrold  has  shrewdly  pointed 
out  that  the  young  author  would  not  or  could  not  recognise 
that  Frenchmen  might  as  well  chafe  at  the  remembrance 
of  Cressy,  Poictiers,  and  Agincourt,  as  at  the  fresher 
memory  of  Waterloo.  The  '  Considerations '  neverthe- 
less are  not  destitute  of  interest  and  suggestion.  Their 
author  wrote  with  strong  convictions  in  favour  of  freedom 
although  he  seldom  permitted  himself  to  be  impassioned 
or  enthusiastic. 

In  evidence  of  their  appreciation  of  this  careful  and 
friendly  study  of  Switzerland  the  Cantons  of  Thurgau 
and  Berne  conferred  on  the  Prince  the  rank  of  Captain 
of  Artillery.  In  acknowledgment  of  this  honour  he 
wrote  :  ' I  am  proud  to  be  placed  among  the  defenders 
of  a  nation  where  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  is  the 
foundation  of  the  Constitution,  and  where  every  citizen  is 
ready  at  any  time  to  sacrifice  himself  for  the  liberty  and 
independence  of  his  country.' 

In  the  intervals  of  his  literary  work  the  Prince  from 
time  to  time  found  change  in  his  duties  at  the  camp  of 
Thun,  where  12,000  men  were  assembled  on  a  war  foot- 
ing and  where  he  first  appeared  in  the  character  of  a 
captain  of  the  Swiss  Confederation.  He  drew  up  a 
'  Manual  of  Artillery '  for  the  Swiss  army,  which  was 
accepted  and  taken  into  use.  It  was  not  without  a  certain 
modesty  that  he  now  regarded  himself  as  the  practical 
head  of  the  House  of  Bonaparte  ;  for  the  Duke  of 
Reichstadt  had  died  in  1832,  King  Joseph  had  become 
heir  to  the  Imperial  Crown,  King  Louis  being  next  in 
succession,  and  his  son  Prince   Louis  being  third.       But 


58  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Joseph  was  now  old  and  never  had  been  adventurous ; 
King  Louis  was  a  permanent  invalid  ;  and  the  hopes  of 
such  Bonapartist  Party  as  there  still  existed  were  vested 
in  the  son  of  Queen  Hortense.  From  this  time  forward 
the  whole  life  of  Louis  Napoleon,  speculative  and 
practical,  was  devoted  to  his  realisation  of  what  now 
became  his  '  fixed  idea ' — the  conviction  that  he  was 
destined  to  occupy  the  throne  of  France. 


59 


CHAPTER    IV 

THE    ATTEMPT    ON    STRASBURG 

Prince  Louis  Napoleon  in  1836  had  been  quietly 
watching  public  opinion  in  France  for  a  considerable 
time,  and  had  been  in  constant  communication  with  some 
of  the  leading  men  of  the  country.  He  was  aware  that 
discontent  in  France  with  the  government  of  Louis 
Philippe  was  gradually  becoming  profound  and  general. 
In  writing  to  his  mother  after  his  failure  he  declared  that 
in  undertaking  the  Strasburg  expedition  he  acted  on 
calmly  settled  convictions,  and  that  it  was  after  mature 
reflection  and  after  very  careful  calculations  that  he 
resolved  once  again  to  raise  the  Imperial  eagle  within 
the  borders  of  France.  '  What,'  he  continued,  '  care  I 
for  the  shouts  of  the  vulgar,  who  now  call  me  fool  because 
I  did  not  succeed,  and  who  would  have  exaggerated  my 
merit  had  I  been  triumphant  ?  I  take  all  the  responsi- 
bility of  the  attempt  upon  myself,  for  I  acted  from 
conviction  and  not  by  impulse.' 

Laity,  the  chronicler  of  the  enterprise,  avers  too 
sanguinely  yet  not  wholly  without  warrant,  that  a  revo- 
lution consummated  at  Strasburg  by  the  nephew  of 
the  Great  Emperor  in  the  name  of  liberty  and  the 
sovereignty  of  the  people,  would  have  stirred  France  to 
its  depths.      '  Had  this  city    been    secured,'  in    Laity's 


6o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

ardent  words,  '  the  National  Guard  would  have  manned 
the  ramparts  and  protected  it  from  assault  without.  The 
youth  of  the  city,  formed  into  corps  of  volunteers,  would 
have  been  added  to  the  garrison.  The  march  on  Paris 
would  have  been  begun  with  12,000  men,  100  guns,  a 
full  military  chest,  and  spare  arms  for  the  enthusiasts 
rallying  to  the  cause.  Every  garrison  in  Alsace  would 
have  fallen  into  line.  The  route  of  march  on  Paris 
would  have  been  through  the  Yosges  into  Lorraine,  and 
Prince  Louis  might  have  entered  Champagne  at  the 
head  of  50,000  men.'  Instead  of  which  hypothetic- 
ally  swift  and  amazing  successes,  the  Prince  was  fast  in 
prison  a  few  hours  after  he  had  entered  the  fortress 
which  he  had  come  to  conquer.  Yet  he  was  not 
so  very  far  from  winning  the  coup  which  he  had 
projected  ;  he  had  friends  in  many  of  the  cities  of 
Eastern  France  and  he  had  the  ardent  good  wishes 
of  a  great  many  influential  inhabitants  of  Alsace  and 
Lorraine. 

Nephew  of  the  Great  Emperor  yet  condemned  to  the 
vexations  of  an  obscure  youth,  his  kindred  proscribed, 
while  he  himself  was  exiled  by  an  unjust  law  from  the 
country  which  he  loved  and  in  which  the  memory  of 
Napoleon  was  still  alive,  Louis  Bonaparte  probably  did 
believe  himself  destined  to  uphold  the  honour  of  the  great 
name  he  bore,  to  punish  the  persecutors  of  his  family,  and 
to  reopen  for  his  country  a  path  to  fame  and  glory.  The 
attempt  was  hazardous ;  and  Prince  Louis,  although 
capable  of  having  conceived  it,  was  not  strong  enough  to 
carry  it  through.  Louis  Blanc  with  rare  perspicuity  has 
thus  described  the  character  of  the  Prince  at  the  opening  of 
his  active  career  :   '  To  be  insensible  and  patient  ;  to  care 


THE    ATTEMPT   ON    STRASBURG        61 

for  nothing  but  the  end  in  view  ;  to  dissemble  ;  not  to 
expend  one's  daring  on  mere  projects,  but  to  reserve  it  for 
action  ;  to  urge  men  to  devotedness  without  putting  implicit 
faith  in  them  ;  to  seem  strong,  in  order  to  be  so  ;  such,  in 
the  egotistical  and  vulgar  meaning  of  the  phrase,  is  the 
genius  of  the  ambitious.      Now,  Prince  Louis  possessed 
scarcely  any  of  the  constituent  elements  of  that  genius, 
whether   good    or   evil.       His    easily-moved    sensibility 
exposed  him  unarmed  to    the    spurious  officiousness  of 
subalterns.    Through  haste  or  good  nature  he  often  erred 
in  his  judgment  of  men.     The  impetuosity  of  his  aspira- 
tions deceived  him  or  hurried  him  away.      Endowed  with 
a  natural  straightforwardness  injurious  to  his  designs,  he 
exhibited  in   curious  combination   the   elevation   of  soul 
that  loves  the  truth  and  the  weakness  of  which  flatterers 
take  advantage.      He  was  prodigal  of  himself  to  augment 
the  number  of  his  partisans.      In  a  word,  he  possessed 
neither  the  art  of  husbanding  his  resources  nor  that  of 
dexterously  exaggerating  their  importance.      But  on  the 
other   hand    he  was  generous,    enterprising,    prompt  in 
military  exercises,  and  the  uniform  sat  upon  him  with  a 
manly  grace.      There  was  no  braver  officer,    no   more 
gallant  cavalier.      Though  the  expression  of  his  coun- 
tenance   was    gentle    rather   than    energetic    and    impe- 
rious, though  there  was  an  habitual  languor  in  his  looks 
often    dashed    with    thought,    no    doubt    the     soldiers 
would  have  loved  him  for  his  frank  bearing,  his  honest 
and  hearty  speech,  his  small  figure  resembling  his  uncle's, 
and    the  lightning    which    the    passion    of   the    moment 
kindled  in  his  blue  eyes.' 

In   July    1836   Prince   Louis   left    Arenenberg  for  a 
temporary  residence  at   Baden-Baden,   a  place  which  he 


62  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

found  suitable  to  his  purpose  from  its  vicinity  to  Alsace, 
and  from  the  opportunities  it  afforded  him  of  covering  his 
designs  under  the  mask  of  pleasure.  It  was  there  that 
the  preliminary  arrangements  for  the  project  were  made, 
and  whither  gathered  around  him  some  of  his  most 
trustworthy  adherents.  Colonel  Parquin,  an  old  soldier 
of  the  Empire,  had  been  long  an  intimate  of  Arenen- 
berg,  having  married  in  1822  Mdlle.  Cochelet,  Queen 
Hortense's  reader  and  school-time  friend.  The  Colonel's 
regard  for  the  Prince  and  his  estimation  of  the  latter's 
qualities,  had  helped  to  draw  to  the  vicinity  of  Arenenberg 
many  soldiers  of  the  Empire.  Colonel  Vaudrey  was  a 
scar-worn  officer  who  had  commanded  a  battery  at 
Waterloo  and  who  was  now  in  command  of  the  artillery 
force  in  Strasburg.  Fialin  (afterwards  Comte,  and  later 
Due  de  Persigny),  a  ci-devant  cavalry  officer  who  had 
been  cashiered,  had  attached  himself  devotedly  to  the 
fortunes  of  the  Prince  and  in  his  later  career  proved  a 
man  of  remarkable  ability  and  character.  The  plan  of 
the  project  was  bold  and  had  a  specious  aspect  of 
feasibility,  mingled,  however,  with  fantasy.  The  Alsatian 
democrats  were  to  be  gained  over,  the  garrison  of 
Strasburg  was  to  be  captivated  by  the  cry  of  '  Vive 
V Empereur ! '  ;  the  citizens  were  to  be  summoned  to 
liberty,  the  young  men  of  the  schools  to  arms ;  the 
ramparts  were  to  be  entrusted  to  the  holding  of  the 
National  Guard.  And  then  the  pictures  which  presented 
themselves  in  the  glowing  mind  of  Prince  Louis  were  of 
towns  surprised  on  the  march  to  Paris,  of  garrisons  swept 
onward  with  the  movement,  of  young  men  eagerly  enlist- 
ing under  the  tricolour,  and  of  old  soldiers  quitting  the 
plough  to  salute  the  eagle  in  its  advance,  amid  acclama- 


I'lALIX,    DUC    DE    PERSIGNY 


THE   ATTEMPT    ON    STRASBURG        63 

1  tions  caught  up  by  echo  after  echo  along  the  valleys  and 
over  the  hills. 

The  decisive  blow  was  to  be  struck  in  Strasburg. 
Two  months  before  the  actual  attempt  Prince  Louis  was 
brought  into  that  city  under  cover  of  night,  and  introduced 
into  a  room  in  which  a  friend  of  the  cause  had  assembled 
twenty-five  officers  of  the  garrison  representing  the  differ- 
ent arms  of  the  service.  He  was  received  with  unanimous 
enthusiasm.  '  The  nephew  of  the  Emperor  was  welcome,' 
was  the  cry  ;  '  he  has  nothing  to  fear.  We  would  defend 
him  with  our  lives ! '  He  made  the  officers  a  short 
speech  which  appeared  to  stir  them  greatly ;  and 
according  to  Laity,  one  and  all  declared  that  the  Prince 
should  no  longer  live  in  exile  and  assured  him  that  they 
would  exert  themselves  to  restore  him  to  his  country. 

The  preliminary  arrangements  had  the  pretence  of 
secrecy,  but  it  is  certain  that  many  persons  must  have 
been  aware  that  a  conspiracy  was  in  the  air.  So  frank, 
indeed,  was  the  Prince,  that  he  himself  made  overtures 
to  General  Voirol,  in  chief  command  at  Strasburg  and 
military  governor  of  the  Department  of  Bas  Rhin.  Voirol 
was  an  old  soldier  of  the  Empire,  but  he  was  true  to  his 
salt.  He  repelled  the  advances  of  the  Prince  and  warned 
him  off  French  territory.  He  further  considered  it  his 
duty  to  acquaint  the  Prefect  of  Strasburg  with  the 
projects  in  progress  on  the  frontier.  The  Prefect  wrote 
on  the  subject  to  the  authorities  in  Paris,  adding  that  he 
had  a  secret  agent  about  the  person  of  the  Prince.  Louis 
Philippe's  Government  apparently  regarded  the  matter 
as  trivial  ;  at  all  events  no  obstacles  were  offered  to 
the  designs  of  the  conspirators. 

During    the  stay    in    Baden   a  strange  element  was 


64  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

imported  into  the  enterprise  in  the  person  of  a  certain 
enthusiastic  Madame  Gordon,  said  to  be  the  daughter  of 
a  captain  in  the  Imperial  Guard  and  to  have  been  brought 
up  in  the  worship  of  Napoleon.  While  giving  concerts  in 
the  Kursaal  in  the  character  of  a  professional  singer  she 
became  fully  initiated  into  the  secrets  of  the  plotters,  and 
she  threw  herself  ardently  into  their  designs,  devoting 
herself  to  gathering  in  partisans  for  the  Prince.  He  had 
returned  from  Baden  to  Arenenberg  on  a  short  visit  to 
his  mother,  and  when  on  Oct.  25  he  took  farewell  of 
her  ostensibly  to  join  a  hunting  party  in  the  Principality 
of  Heckingen,  Hortense  showed  more  emotion  than  a 
temporary  separation  seemed  to  warrant.  It  is  prob- 
able that  she  was  aware  of  the  danger  which  her  son 
was  about  to  encounter  ;  for  pressing  him  to  her  heart, 
she  slipped  on  his  finger  the  marriage-ring  of  Napoleon 
and  Josephine,  which  she  regarded  as  a  talisman.  A 
rendezvous  in  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Baden  with  some 
important  persons  on  whom  the  Prince  had  counted 
somehow  miscarried  ;  he  found  no  one  at  the  place 
appointed  ;  and  at  length  on  the  morning  of  the  28th 
he  quitted  Friburg  along  with  Parquin,  Vaudrey, 
and  Fialin,  and  reached  Strasburg  late  the  same 
night.  Next  day  was  spent  in  consultations  and  ar- 
rangements with  Parquin,  Vaudrey,  Laity,  an  officer  of 
pontonniers  in  the  Strasburg  garrison,  and  the  rest  of 
the  fifteen  faithful  participators  in  the  adventure  of  the 
morrow.  The  Prince  presented  a  report  on  inquiries 
which  he  had  directed  to  be  made  in  Neu-Brisach, 
Colmar,  and  other  frontier  towns  ;  and  the  result  seemed 
to  afford  the  conviction  that  their  garrisons  and  civilian 
inhabitants  were  prepared  to  rise  so  soon  as  an  imposing 


THE   ATTEMPT   ON    STRASBURG        65 

military  force  should  be  known  to  have  raised  the  Imperial 
eagle  in  Strasburg. 

The  first  condition  towards  success,  then,  was  to  secure 
the  adhesion  of  a  regiment.  The  garrison  of  Strasburg 
consisted  at  the  time  of  the  3rd  and  4th  regiments  of 
artillery,  a  pontonnier  battalion,  and  the  14th,  16th,  and 
46th  regiments  of  line  infantry.  The  16th,  quartered  in 
the  citadel,  was  isolated  by  a  fortified  neck  from  the 
ramparts  surrounding  the  town.  The  14th  regiment, 
quartered  in  the  Margarethen  barracks,  in  the  western 
section  of  the  city  beyond  the  111,  was  quite  outside  of 
the  prospective  line  of  operations.  The  nearest  military 
quarters  to  the  house  in  which  the  conspirators  were  in 
consultation  were  the  Austerlitz  barracks  occupied  by 
the  4th  artillery  ;  of  which,  as  well  as  of  the  3rd  artillery, 
Colonel  Vaudrey  had  the  command.  Diagonally  across 
the  town  from  the  Austerlitz  barracks  was  the  open 
space  of  the  Place  d'Armes,  otherwise  known  as  the 
Broglie-Platz,  the  further  extremity  of  which  abutted  on 
the  north-eastern  section  of  the  ramparts.  Bordering 
the  Place  d'Armes  were  the  Hotel  de  Ville,  the  General's 
quarters,  the  Prefecture,  the  military  establishments,  and 
the  quarters  of  the  3rd  artillery  regiment.  Some  distance 
away,  close  under  the  northern  extremity  of  the  ram- 
parts, were  the  Finkmatt  barracks,  separated  from  the 
ramparts  only  by  a  narrow  enclosed  court  and  occupied 
by  the  46th  infantry  regiment.  There  were  two  accesses 
to  the  Finkmatt — one  by  the  broad  thoroughfare  of  the 
ramparts,  and  the  other  by  a  narrow  lane  from  the 
Faubourg  Pierre. 

It  was  finally  determined  that  the  first  regiment  to 
be  attempted  was  the  4th   artillery.      Its  rank  and  file 


66  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

were  strongly  Bonapartist — it  had  been  Napoleon's  own 
regiment,  and  it  had  opened  the  gates  of  Grenoble  to 
him  on  his  return  from  Elba.  The  attachment  of  the 
soldiers  to  their  chief,  Colonel  Vaudrey,  a  brave  soldier 
devotedly  attached  to  Prince  Louis,  seemed  to  give 
assurance  that  his  regiment  would  be  most  easily  carried. 
The  fulfilment  of  the  plan  consisted  in  repairing  as  soon 
as  possible  from  the  Austerlitz  quarters  to  the  Finkmatt, 
where,  as  has  been  said,  were  the  barracks  of  the  46th. 
According  to  the  plan,  the  leaders  would  have  arrived 
there  before  the  movement  should  become  known  and 
therefore  before  any  opposition  should  be  encountered. 
On  the  way  along  the  Place  d'Armes  they  would 
pass  the  residences  of  the  Chief  Authorities,  who  would 
either  be  won  over  or  secured.  The  46th  once  brought 
into  acquiescence  with  the  design  of  the  Prince  the 
military  difficulties  would  have  been  surmounted  ;  since 
while  the  46th  was  being  dealt  with  the  officers  of  the 
3rd  artillery  and  of  the  pontonnier  battalion  who  were  in 
the  confidence  of  the  Prince,  would  form  their  respective 
corps  and  bring  them  on  without  delay  to  the  general 
rendezvous  on  the  Place  d'Armes. 

The  morning  of  Oct.  30,  1836,  was  dark  and  cold. 
As  day  dimly  broke  and  the  cathedral  bells  chimed 
the  hour  of  six,  Prince  Louis  and  his  handful  of  some 
twenty  adherents  set  forth  on  what  the  less  sanguine 
hearts  of  the  party  must  have  felt  to  be  a  forlorn  hope. 
But  all  wore  a  good  front  and  tramped  sturdily  towards 
the  Austerlitz  barracks,  whither  Colonel  Vaudrey  had 
gone  in  advance.  Parquin,  now  dressed  as  a  general 
officer,  walked  alongside  the  Prince,  as  holding  the  rank 
of  second  in  command.      De  Querelles,  a  retired  cavalry 


THE    ATTEMPT   ON    STRASBURG        67 

officer,  carried  the  shrouded  eagle  which  he  was  to  dis- 
play before  the  soldiers  whom  Vaudrey  was  preparing  to 
muster.  Lombard,  a  military  surgeon  of  Strasburg,  was 
on  his  way  to  the  printing-office  to  have  the  proclama- 
tions printed  and  distributed.  Louis,  like  most  French- 
men, was  addicted  to  proclamations  ;  and,  unlike  his 
great  uncle,  he  preferred  that  they  should  be  long.  His 
first  proclamation  was  addressed  to  the  French  people, 
and  its  opening  sentence  was  certainly  to  the  point. 
'  You  are  betrayed,'  it  said  ;  '  your  political  interests,  your 
commercial  interests,  your  honour,  your  glory,  are  all 
sold  to  the  foreigner.'  The  second  proclamation  was  to 
the  army,  and  had  a  certain  reminiscence  of  the  '  little 
corporal's '  bulletins  :  '  Soldiers !  the  time  has  come  to 
regain  your  ancient  renown.  The  Government,  which 
betrays  our  civil  interests,  would  also  tarnish  our  military 
honour.  The  simpletons  !  do  they  think  that  the  race 
of  the  heroes  of  Areola,  of  Austerlitz,  of  Wagram  is 
extinct  ? '  The  third  instalment  of  bunkum  was  addressed 
to  the  citizens  of  Strasburg,  and  began  in  this  wise  : 
'  Alsatians  !  my  name  is  a  flag  that  should  recall  great 
memories  to  you  ;  and  this  flag — you  know  that  it  is 
inflexible  before  factions  and  the  foreigner — will  droop 
only  before  the  Majesty  of  the  People.'  Alas  that 
Lombard  should  have  destroyed  efforts  so  striking,  if 
also  so  full  of  platitudes  !  Persigny  and  Madame  Gordon 
were  more  purposeful  when  they  committed  to  the  flames 
all  the  compromising  documents  left  by  the  Prince. 

The  trumpet-sound  calling  Vaudrey's  soldiers  to  fall 
in  was  the  signal  in  the  barrack-yard  for  the  appearance 
of  the  Prince  and  his  sparse  following.  Laity,  an  eye- 
witness, has  recorded  the  scene  :   '  The  officers  pressed 

F  2 


68  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

closely  round  him  as  the  Prince  entered  the  yard. 
"  Forward,  Prince  ! "  they  shouted  ;  "  France  is  following 
you  !  "  The  Colonel  was  in  the  centre  of  the  square  ; 
as  the  Prince  advanced  the  regiment  presented  arms.' 
At  the  close  of  the  inevitable  harangue  the  Colonel 
cried,  '  Shout  with  me,  "  Long  live  Napoleon  !  Long  live 
the  Emperor  !  "  '  The  soldiers  replied  '  with  indescribable 
enthusiasm.'  Then  the  Prince,  signified  that  he  desired 
to  speak  ;  and  when  silence  had  been  restored  he  spoke  in 
a  strong  deep  voice  :  '  Soldiers  !  I  present  myself  in  the 
first  instance  to  you,  because  between  you  and  me  grand 
memories  exist.  It  was  in  your  noble  regiment  that  the 
Emperor  Napoleon,  my  uncle,  served  as  a  captain  ;  it 
was  with  you  that  he  made  himself  illustrious  at  the 
siege  of  Toulon  ;  and,  again,  it  was  your  brave  regiment 
that  opened  the  gates  of  Grenoble  to  him  on  his  return 
from  Elba. 

'  Soldiers !  the  glory  of  beginning  a  great  enter- 
prise be  yours !  Yours  be  the  glory  of  having  first 
saluted  the  eagle  of  Austerlitz  and  of  Wagram  ! '  Here 
the  Prince  seized  the  eagle  which  one  of  his  officers 
carried,  and  presenting  it  to  the  regiment,  he  continued  : 

'  Soldiers,  there  is  the  symbol  of  French  glory, 
destined  henceforth  to  be  also  the  emblem  of  liberty  ! 
During  fifteen  years  it  led  our  fathers  to  victory.  It 
has  shone  over  every  battlefield.  I  confide  it  to  your 
honour,  to  your  courage.  Let  us  march  together  against 
the  oppressors  of  their  country,  to  the  cries  of  "  Long 
live  France  !     Long  live  liberty !  "  ' 

The  Prince's  address  was  scarcely  finished  when 
every  sword  was  drawn.  The  men  held  their  shakoes 
aloft,    cheering   with    prolonged    vehemence,   their  cries 


PRINCE    LOUIS    PRESENTING   THE   EAGI.E   TO   THE   4TH    REGIMENT 
OF   ARTILLERY    AT   STRASBURG,    OCTOBER   30TH,    1S36 
(From  a  contemforary  engra\ 


THE    ATTEMPT   ON    STRASBURG        69 

mingling  with  the  sounds  of  martial  music.  But  now, 
the  regiment  gained  to  a  man,  no  time  was  to  be  wasted. 
The  regiment,  with  the  Prince  and  Colonel  Vaudrey  at 
its  head,  Parquin  and  the  other  conspirators  following, 
began  its  march,  its  band  in  the  advance.  Lombard 
hurried  faster  to  the  printing-office  to  hasten  the  publica- 
tion of  the  proclamations.  A  detachment  took  possession 
of  the  railway  station.  The  officers  of  the  3rd  artillery 
hurried  to  bring  their  men  on  to  the  parade  ground 
and  an  officer  was  sent  off  to  notify  in  advance  the 
distant  46th  at  the  Finkmatt.  The  Prince  with  his  staff 
led  the  4th  artillery  through  the  city  to  the  headquarters 
on  the  Place  d'Armes. 

Though  still  early,  crowds  thronged  the  streets  and 
considerable  enthusiasm  was  visible.  The  Prince  doubt- 
less felt  assured  at  that  moment  that  he  had  not  mistaken 
the  sentiments  either  of  the  army  or  of  the  people. 
General  Voirol,  however,  to  whom  the  Prince  appealed 
with  great  fervour,  remained  staunch  to  his  duty  not- 
withstanding the  pleadings  and  expostulations  of  the 
Prince  ;  the  latter  could  not  shake  the  allegiance  of  the 
loyal  old  soldier  and  he  was  held  a  prisoner  in  his 
quarters.  But  in  the  general  glow  of  enthusiasm  Voirol's 
obduracy  reckoned  as  but  a  momentary  check.  The 
advance  of  the  4th  artillery,  still  headed  by  the  Prince, 
was  resumed.  But  whereas  the  proper  route  to  the 
Finkmatt  barracks  was  along  the  broad  ramparts  on 
which  a  body  of  men  could  march  on  a  wide  front,  he 
led  the  column  into  the  Pierre  Faubourg,  which  was 
connected  with  the  main  entrance  to  the  Finkmatt 
quarters  by  an  extremely  narrow  lane.  The  barracks 
themselves  were  separated  from   the   ramparts  only  by  a 


70  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

long  narrow  yard  at  one  end  of  which  was  an  iron  gate 
locked.  Leaving  the  mass  of  his  force  in  the  Faubourg 
the  Prince  followed  the  lane,  and  he  presently  found 
himself  with  a  weak  escort  in  a  narrow  and  overhung 
yard  which,  if  fortune  had  failed  him  might  easily  have 
become  his  prison  or  his  grave. 

It  was  a  serious  misfortune  that  the  officer  sent  in 
advance  to  apprise  the  46th  of  the  Prince's  coming 
should  not  have  arrived.  The  infantrymen  of  that  regi- 
ment were  thus  taken  by  surprise,  but  they  crowded  to 
the  windows  and  the  doors  when  they  heard  the  name  of 
Napoleon.  The  cheers  of  the  gunners  were  caught  up  by 
the  foot-soldiers  ;  and,  in  short,  the  reception  of  the 
Prince  was  at  first  as  hearty  and  unanimous  as  it  had 
been  at  the  Austerlitz  barracks.  Success  now  seemed 
assured  on  all  sides.  General  Voirol  and  the  Prefect 
were  under  arrest,  as  were  the  General  of  brigade  and 
the  Colonel  of  the  3rd  artillery  ;  and  that  regiment 
was  hurrying  to  the  general  rendezvous  on  the  Place 
d'Armes.  Several  companies  of  the  46th  had  already 
been  formed  by  the  Prince  and  his  officers.  An  old 
sergeant  exclaimed  that  he  had  served  in  the  Imperial 
Guard,  stooped  down  to  kiss  the  hands  of  the  Prince, 
and  embraced  him  with  tears.  Emotion  seized  the 
soldiers  at  this  spectacle  ;  already  the  Prince  was  sur- 
rounded with  marks  of  devotion  ;  already  the  cry  was 
heard  of  '  Vive  l'Empereur! '  ;  when  suddenly  a  strange 
clamour  astonished  the  bystanders,  and  Colonel  Tallandier, 
the  officer  commanding  the  46th,  came  storming  forward 
with  drawn  sword,  shouting  loudly  to  his  men,  '  Soldiers, 
you  are  being  deceived — this  man  is  an  impostor  ! '  A 
staff  officer  called  out,  '  He  is   not  the   nephew  of  the 


THE    ATTEMPT   ON    STRASBURG        71 

Emperor !  I  know  him — he  is  the  nephew  of  Colonel 
Vaudrey ! '  An  infantry  lieutenant  named  Pleignier 
rushed  forward  to  seize  the  Prince.  Himself  arrested  by 
the  artillerymen  the  wildest  confusion  ensued.  Lines- 
men and  gunners  became  mingled  in  a  general  struggle  ; 
muskets  were  loaded,  bayonets  were  fixed,  and  swords 
were  drawn.  The  Prince  was  parrying  with  his  sword 
the  bayonets  pointed  against  him  by  the  infantrymen 
when  a  rush  of  artillerymen  rescued  him  ;  but  both  he 
and  they  were  driven  back  up  against  the  barrack  wall. 
The  court-yard  resounded  with  menaces  ;  swords  were 
out  and  flashing  in  all  directions.  The  artillerymen 
who  had  been  left  in  the  Faubourg  hearing  of  the 
Prince's  imminent  danger,  moved  forward  ;  suddenly  they 
were  seen  rushing  in  great  crowds  into  the  barrack-yard  ; 
and  with  them  entered  pell-mell  sixty  mounted  cannon- 
eers. The  infantry  thus  driven  back  to  both  ends 
of  the  yard,  formed  again  with  shouts  of  fury  and  re- 
turned fiercely  on  the  Prince's  partisans,  who  were  pushed 
and  knocked  down  by  the  horses  against  the  base  of  the 
ramparts.  Here  stood  the  foot-soldiers  with  bayonets 
charged  ;  there  the  gunners  with  levelled  carbines  ;  on 
the  ramparts  the  populace  cheering  for  the  Prince  and 
throwing  volleys  of  stones  down  on  the  infantry,  amidst 
wild  clamours,  roll  of  drums,  clash  of  arms,  and  neighing 
of  horses. 

But  the  end  soon  came.  The  people  on  the  ramparts 
were  scared  by  a  few  shots  fired  in  the  air  by  order  of 
Colonel  Tallandier.  Gricourt  and  Querelles  would  have 
cut  a  passage  sword  in  hand  for  the  Prince,  but  he 
rejected  the  offer  and  was  made  a  prisoner.  Colonel 
Vaudrey    wisely    dismissed     his     men    and    surrendered 


72  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

himself.  Parquin  and  Laity  followed  his  example  ;  and 
later  all  the  members  of  the  Prince's  following  with  the 
exception  of  Persigny  who  adroitly  escaped,  found  them- 
selves in  prison  The  daring  attempt,  almost  at  the 
moment  of  seeming  success,  had  suddenly  and  utterly 
collapsed. 

The  late  Mr.  Kinglake,  the  virulent  enemy  of  Louis 
Napoleon,  remarks  on  this  Strasburg  fiasco  as  follows  : 
'  In  some  of  its  features  this  attempt  was  a  graver 
business  than  was  generally  supposed.  At  that  time 
Louis  Napoleon  was  twenty-eight  years  old.  He  had 
gained  over  Vaudrey,  the  officer  commanding  a  regiment 
of  artillery  which  formed  part  of  the  garrison.  Early  in  the 
morning  of  Oct.  30  the  movement  began.  By  declaring 
that  a  revolution  had  broken  out  in  Paris  and  that  the 
King  had  been  deposed,  Vaudrey  persuaded  his  gunners 
to  recognise  the  Prince  as  Napoleon  II.  Vaudrey  then 
caused  detachments  to  march  to  the  houses  of  the  Prefect 
and  of  General  Voirol,  the  General  commanding  the 
garrison,  and  made  them  both  prisoners,  placing  sentries 
at  their  doors.  All  this  he  achieved  without  alarming  any 
of  the  other  regiments.  .  .  .  Louis  Napoleon  was  brought 
into  the  presence  of  the  captive  General,  and  tried  to 
gain  him  over  but  was  repulsed.  Afterwards  the  Prince 
surrounded  by  men  personating  an  imperial  staff,  was 
conducted  to  the  barrack  of  the  46th  regiment ;  and  the 
men,  taken  entirely  by  surprise,  were  told  that  the  person 
now  introduced  to  them  was  their  Emperor.  What  they 
saw  was  a  young  man  with  the  bearing  and  countenance 
of  a  weaver — a  weaver  oppressed  by  long  hours  of 
monotonous  indoor  work,  which  makes  the  body  stoop 
and  keeps  the  eyes  downcast  ;  but  all  the  while — and  yet 


THE   ATTEMPT   ON    STRASBURG        y^> 

it  was  broad  daylight — this  young  man,  from  hat  to  boot, 
was  standing  dressed  up  in  the  historic  costume  of  the 
man  of  Marengo  and  Austerlitz.  It  seems  that  this 
painful  exhibition  began  to  undo  the  success  which 
Vaudrey  had  achieved  ;  but  strange  things  had  happened 
in  Paris  before,  and  the  soldiery  could  not  with  certainty 
know  that  the  young  man  might  not  be  what  they  were 
told  he  was — Napoleon  II.,  the  new-made  Emperor  of 
the  French.  Their  perplexity  gave  the  Prince  an 
opportunity  of  trying  whether  the  sentiment  for  the 
Bonapartes  were  really  existing  or  not  ;  and  if  it  were, 
whether  he  was  the  man  to  kindle  it.  But  by-and-by 
Tallandier,  the  Colonel  of  the  regiment,  having  been  at 
length  apprised  of  what  was  going  on,  came  into  the 
yard.  He  instantly  ordered  the  gates  to  be  closed  ;  and 
then — fierce,  angry,  and  scornful — went  straight  up  to 
the  spot  where  the  proposed  Emperor  and  his  "  imperial 
staff'  were  standing.  Of  course,  this  apparition — the 
apparition  of  the  indignant  Colonel  whose  barrack  had 
been  invaded — was  exactly  what  was  to  be  expected, 
exactly  what  was  to  be  combated  ;  but  yet,  as  though  it 
were  something  monstrous  and  undreamtof,  it  came  upon 
the  Prince  with  a  crushing  power.  .  .  .  In  a  moment  the 
Prince  succumbed  to  the  Colonel.  Some  thought  that 
after  what  had  been  done  that  morning,  the  Prince  owed 
it  to  the  unfortunate  Vaudrey  to  take  care  not  to  let 
the  enterprise  collapse  without  testing  his  fortune  to  the 
utmost  by  a  strenuous,  not  to  say  desperate,  resistance  ; 
but  this  view  did  not  prevail.  One  of  the  ornaments 
which  the  Prince  wore  was  a  sword  ;  yet  without  striking 
a  blow  he  suffered  himself  to  be  publicly  stripped  of  his 
grand  cordon  of  the    Legion  of  Honour  and  of  all  his 


74  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

other  decorations.  According  to  one  account  the  angry 
Colonel  inflicted  this  dishonour  with  his  own  hands,  and 
not  only  dragged  the  grand  cordon  from  the  Prince's 
breast  but  trampled  both  epaulettes  and  cordon  underfoot. 
When  he  was  thus  stripped,  the  Prince  was  locked  up. 
The  decorated  followers  who  had  been  personating  the 
imperial  staff,  underwent  the  same  fate  as  their  chief.  .  .  . 
Louis  Napoleon  could  not  alter  his  nature,  and  his  nature 
was  to  be  venturesome  beforehand,  but  to  be  so  violently 
awakened  and  shocked  by  the  actual  contact  of  danger  as 
to  be  left  without  the  spirit  and  seemingly  without  the 
wish  or  motives  for  going  on  any  further  with  the  part  of  a 
desperado.  The  truth  was,  that  the  sources  of  his  boldness 
were  his  vanity  and  his  theatric  bent ;  and  those  passions, 
though  they  had  power  to  bring  him  to  the  verge  of 
danger,  were  not  robust  enough  to  hold  good  against 
man's  natural  shrinking  from  the  risk  of  being  killed. 
Conscious  that  in  point  of  hat  and  coat  and  boots,  he  was 
the  same  as  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  he  imagined  that 
the  great  revoir  of  1815  between  the  men  and  the  Man 
of  a  Hundred  Fights  could  be  acted  over  again  between 
modern  French  troops  and  himself.  But  it  was  plain  that 
this  belief  had  resulted  from  the  undue  mastery  which  he 
had  allowed  for  a  time  to  his  ruling  propensity  and  not 
from  any  actual  overthrow  of  the  reason  ;  for  when 
checked,  he  did  not,  like  a  madman  or  a  dare-devil,  try 
to  carry  his  vengeance  through  ;  nor  did  he  even,  indeed, 
hold  on  long  enough  to  try  fairly  whether  the  Bonapartist 
sentiments  to  which  he  wished  to  appeal  were  really 
existent  or  not.  On  the  contrary,  the  moment  he 
encountered  the  shock  of  the  real  world,  he  stopped 
dead  ;    and    becoming    suddenly    quiet,    harmless,     and 


SOJOURN    IN    AMERICA  75 

obedient,  surrendered  himself  to  the  first  firm  man  who 
touched  him.  The  change  was  like  that  seeming  miracle 
which  is  wrought  when  a  hysteric  girl  who  seems  to  be 
carried  headlong  by  strange  hallucinations  is  suddenly 
cured  and  silenced  by  a  rebuke  and  a  sharp  angry  threat.' 
The  diagnosis  is  actually  vitriolic  in  its  bitterness,  but  it 
loses  much  of  its  venom  because  of  its  obvious  and  indeed 
undisguised  animus. 

The  Prince  remained  a  prisoner   in   Strasburg  until 
Nov.    9.       In    charge    of    two    officers    he    was    then 
brought  to  Paris,  where  he  arrived  in  the  early  morning 
of  the    nth,    and    was    confined   in    the    Prefecture    of 
Police.      His  mother  had  already  hastened  to  Paris  and 
had  addressed  to  the  King  and  his  Ministers  petitions  in 
favour  of  her  son.      His   Majesty  and  the   Council  had 
already  resolved  not  to   try  Prince  Louis   at  the  bar  of 
justice,  but  to  despatch  him  in  a  frigate  to  the  United 
States.     After  a  detention  of  but  two  hours  in  Paris  he 
was  hurried  to  the  fortress  of  Port  Louis  near   Lorient, 
where   he    remained  until  the  21st,  when  he  sailed  for 
America  in  the  Androniede  frigate.     He  had  written  a 
manly   letter   to    the    King    entreating   his    mercy    and 
generosity  on  behalf  of  his  companions  in   misfortune, 
who,  he  said,  had   been   led  away  by  him  and  '  seduced 
by  the  charm  of  glorious  recollections.'      It   may.be  said 
here  that  after   a   trial    which    lasted  for  twelve    days, 
the  associates  of  Prince  Louis  in  the  attempt  on  Stras- 
burg were  acquitted  by  the  unanimous  verdict  of  a  jury, 
to  the  great  disgust  of  Louis  Philippe  and  his  Ministers. 
When  the  Androniede  was  on  the  point  of  sailing  the 
sub-prefect  of  Lorient  asked  the  Prince  whether  he  had 
any  means  wherewith  to  meet  his  immediate  wants  on 


76  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

arrival  in  America.  '  None,'  replied  the  Prince.  'Well, 
then,'  said  the  sub-prefect,  '  His  Majesty  the  King  has 
desired  me  to  hand  you  this  case,  which  contains  15,000 
francs  in  gold.'  The  Prince  accepted  the  case,  the  sub- 
prefect  landed,  and  the  Andromede  set  sail. 

Prince  Louis  had  assumed,  with  considerable  right, 
that  the  frigate  was  bound  direct  to  the  United  States. 
But  as  soon  as  the  captain  opened  his  sealed  letters  when 
some  days  out  from  port,  it  appeared  that  in  his  orders 
from  Paris  he  was  directed  in  the  first  instance  to  make  a 
detour  by  way  of  Rio  de  Janeiro,  to  take  in  fresh  water  and 
provisions  there,  to  keep  the  Prince  on  board  during  the 
Andromede  s  stay  in  the  roadstead,  and  finally  to  convey 
him  thus  circuitously  to  the  United  States.  Ultimately 
he  was  put  ashore  at  Norfolk  in  Virginia,  in  March,  1837, 
and  was  there  greeted  by  the  cheering  tidings  of  the 
acquittal  of  his  Strasburg  associates.  Joseph  Bonaparte, 
who  had  been  in  England  since  the  death  of  the  Duke 
of  Reichstadt,  Prince  Louis  had  known  would  risk 
nothing  to  assist  the  fortunes  of  the  family,  and  his 
nephew  was  well  assured  that  he  had  disapproved  of  the 
Strasburg  attempt.  Nevertheless,  before  his  departure 
from  France  Prince  Louis  had  written  to  his  uncle, 
begging  for  a  few  letters  of  introduction  for  Philadelphia 
and  New  York  and  requesting  Joseph  to  inform  him 
through  his  American  agent  what  land  he  would  sell 
him.  Louis,  so  he  wrote,  had  determined  to  turn  farmer  ; 
and  perhaps,  he  added,  he  would  never  return  to  Europe. 
On  his  arrival  in  New  York  Prince  Louis  found  that 
his  uncle  was  more  incensed  against  him  than  he  had 
apprehended,  and  that  Joseph  had  not  written  him  aline. 
This    was    discouraging,   but  he    allowed   himself  to  be 


'^ffw-^ 


H.I.H.     PRINCESS    MATHILDE,    DAUGHTER    OF   JEROME    BONAPARTE 

(From  an  engraving) 


SOJOURN    IN    AMERICA  77 

disheartened  neither  by  the  indifference  of  his  family  nor 
by  his  distance  from  France.  It  was  seldom  that  Louis 
Napoleon  was  pathetic,  but  in  one  of  his  letters  of  this 
time  to  his  mother  he  reveals  a  sorrow.  Among  his 
cousins  was  one,  Mathilde,  a  daughter  of  King  Jerome, 
to  whom  he  was  attached,  who  was  believed  to  return 
his  affection,  and  who  is  still  alive,  the  last  survivor 
of  her  generation.  The  little  passage  is  as  follows : 
'  When,  a  few  months  ago,  I  was  returning  through  the 
park  of  Arenenberg,  after  having  accompanied  Mathilde 
home,  I  came  on  a  tree  riven  by  the  storm.  I  said  to 
myself,  "  Our  marriage  will  be  broken  by  fate."  This 
vague,  passing  thought  has  become  the  truth.  Have  I 
exhausted,  then,  all  the  stock  of  happiness  life  had  in 
store  for  me  ? ' 

Prince  Louis'  stay  in  America  was  shorter  than  he 
had  anticipated ;  but  in  two  months  and  a  half  he 
assimilated  a  vast  quantity  of  information  in  travelling, 
visiting,  and  conversing.  There  is  no  doubt  that  in  a 
marvellously  short  time  he  made  himself  fully  acquainted 
with  the  laws  and  form  of  government  of  the  United 
States.  He  is  said  to  have  lived  much  with  such  people 
as  FitzGreene  Halleck,  Generals  Scott  and  Watson 
Webb,  the  Schuylers,  the  Hamiltons,  the  Clintons,  the 
Livingstones,  the  Bayards.  His  friends,  of  the  best 
houses  in  the  States,  found  him  silent  and  reserved,  but 
conceived  a  sincere  and  lasting  regard  for  him  ;  and  they 
contrasted  his  conduct  and  manners  with  those  of  his 
dissipated  and  rowdy  cousin  Prince  Pierre  Bonaparte, 
who  was  in  America  at  the  same  time.  One  prominent 
gentleman  of  New  York  wrote  of  Prince  Louis  :  '  His 
bearing  was  always  quiet,  gentlemanly,  and  reticent ;  he 


78  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

seldom  laid  aside  his  grave  demeanour.  He  associated 
almost  exclusively  with  our  best  and  oldest  families,  and  he 
always  evinced  a  fondness  for  ladies'  society.  He  mixed 
occasionally  in  a  small  but  refined  French  circle.  I  never 
heard  of  his  having  committed  any  imprudence  ;  he 
always  sought  the  company  of  persons  older  than  himself 
and  preferred  grave  topics  of  conversation.'  Another 
friend  wrote  :  '  He  was  winning  in  the  in  variableness  of 
his  amiability,  sometimes  playful  in  spirits  and  manner, 
and  warm  in  his  affections.  He  was  a  fondly  attached 
son  and  seemed  to  idolise  his  mother.  When  speaking 
of  her,  the  intonations  of  his  voice  and  his  whole  manner 
were  as  gentle  and  feminine  as  those  of  a  woman.  It 
was  said  that  he  was  without  means  and  lived  on  loans 
which  he  never  repaid  ;  but  this  was  wholly  untrue. 
Funds  were  awaiting  his  arrival  in  New  York  and  money 
was  always  at  his  command.' 

This,  certainly,  seems  explicit  enough.  Yet  there  is 
not  lacking  evidence  of  quite  a  different  character.  Some 
strange  circumstances  concerning  Louis  Napoleon's  short 
residence  in  America  are  still  claimed  to  be  authentic. 
He  is  stated  to  have  lived  in  a  dingy  street  of  Hoboken, 
a  squalid  suburb  of  Jersey  City  over  against  New  York. 
'  His  room,'  says  this  informant,  'was  in  the  attic  of  a 
large  frame  building,  the  basement  and  upper  floor  of  which 
were  occupied  by  stores  and  the  intervening  storeys  in 
rooms  let  out  to  mechanics.  Louis  Napoleon's  room 
looked  to  the  east.  There  were  no  decorations  on  the 
walls  but  such  as  the  plain  boards  afforded,  and  no 
furniture  except  a  small  iron  bedstead  and  three  chairs — 
two  small  ones  and  a  kind  of  armchair  in  which  he  sat  when 
he  wrote.      His  wardrobe  was  of  the  scantiest  description, 


'  VENEZ  /     VENEZ  ! '  79 

and  sometimes  he  presented  as  sorry  a  specimen  of  seedy 
gentility  as  one  need  look  at,  in  worn-out  and  threadbare 
coat.  How  he  succeeded  in  appeasing  the  wants  of  the 
inner  man  was  a  mystery  which  soon  attained  solution  in 
the  neighbourhood  when  he  was  seen  under  cover  of 
night  to  steal  out  and  buy  bread  at  an  adjoining  baker's. 
He  always  managed,  however — how,  few  could  tell — to 
have  a  good  bottle  of  wine  in  his  room  and  never  to  be 
out  of  tobacco.  He  was  the  steadfast  customer  of  a 
little  Alsatian  Frenchman  named  Sangler  who  kept  a 
tobacco  store  across  the  road  from  his  tenement,  and 
many  a  discussion  was  held  between  the  two.' 

Apparently  Louis  had  no  intention  of  persevering  in 
the  farming  project — at  all  events  until  he  should  receive 
from  Europe  some  definite  advice.  With  General 
Watson  Webb's  assistance  he  was  planning  a  year's 
tour  through  the  States  of  the  Union,  with  intent  to 
study  their  institutions  and  observe  the  practical  operation 
of  their  political  systems.  But  a  letter  from  his  mother, 
delayed  in  transmission,  reached  him,  intimating  her 
intention  to  undergo  an  operation  which  she  had  assured 
herself  would  prolong  her  life.  The  doctors  knew 
differently,  and  therefore  it  was  that  the  faithful  and 
skilled  Conneau  wrote  on  the  envelope  the  fateful  words 
'  Venez  !  Venez  !  '  Sailing  by  the  first  packet  the  Prince 
reached  London  on  July  10,  only  to  be  refused  passports 
for  Switzerland  by  the  representatives  of  the  Great 
Powers.  And  now  it  was  charged  against  him  that  when 
deported  to  America  by  the  French  authorities  instead 
of  being  tried  for  high  treason,  he  had  given  an  un- 
dertaking not  to  return  to  Europe  within  a  period  of 
ten    years.     Nevertheless    the   Prince,  having  suddenly 


80  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

returned  from  America,  persistently  denied  that  he  had 
entered  into  any  such  undertaking  ;  and  that  so  far  from 
agreeing  to  any  conditions,  it  had  been  his  ardent  desire 
to  remain  in  France  and  present  himself  for  trial  at  the 
head  of  his  adherents  ;  not  only  that  he  might  accept  the 
whole  responsibility  of  the  Strasburg  expedition,  but  also 
prove  to  the  world  how  much  more  serious  and  more 
nearly  approximating  to  success  was  that  enterprise  than 
the  journalists  in  the  hire  of  Louis  Philippe  were  instructed 
to  represent  it.  His  contention  was  upheld  later  when, 
referring  to  the  Strasburg  affair  a  servant  of  the  Govern- 
ment of  July,  M.  Franck- Carre,  Procureur-Ge'ne'ral  to 
the  Court  of  Peers,  exclaimed  at  the  Prince's  subsequent 
trial  in  1840:  'Conquered  without  a  fight,  pardoned 
unconditionally,  ought  he  not  to  have  remembered  that 
his  machinations  were  not  feared  ?  ' 

Prince  Louis  was  at  length  fortunate  enough  to  obtain 
the  use  of  a  friend's  passport ;  and  after  a  rapid  journey  he 
reached  the  Chateau  of  Arenenberg  in  the  dead  of  night. 
Conneau  told  him  that  his  mother  was  asleep  and  that 
it  would  be  unwise  to  disturb  her.  In  the  early  morning 
the  quick  ear  of  the  sick  mother  was  on  the  alert,  and 
a  few  minutes  later  her  son  knelt  by  her  bedside.  The 
first  glance  told  him  that  Hortense  was  stricken  for 
death  ;  and  relay  on  relay  of  medical  men  whom  he 
requisitioned  as  forlorn  hopes  told  him  that  no  human 
hand  could  save  her.  Day  after  day  Louis  spent  by  her 
bedside  until  the  end  came.  She  lingered  until  Oct.  5, 
1837.  Her  last  physical  effort  was  to  clasp  her  son  in  her 
worn  arms.  A.nd  as  the  early  sun  rose  over  the  Swiss 
mountains,  Hortense  de  Beauharnais,  Queen  of  Holland, 
Duchesse  de  St.  Leu,  passed  from  a  world  in  which  she 


THE    DEATH    OF    HORTENSE  81 

had  paid  for  a  brief  period  of  splendour  and  joy  with 
more  than  twenty  years  of  exile,  harassment,  and 
suffering.  Her  son  closed  her  eyes,  in  the  light  of 
which  he  had  lived  so  long,  and  fell  weeping  on  the  bed. 
Her  dying  entreaty  that  her  remains  might  lie  by  the 
side  of  her  mother  in  the  church  of  Rueil,  near  Mal- 
maison,  was  granted  by  the  French  Government. 

In    July  that    Government,   to   which   the  return  of 
Prince   Louis    to    Switzerland   occasioned  great  uneasi- 
ness, wrote  to  the  Swiss   Federal   Directory  requesting 
his  expulsion  from  the  republic.      For  the  moment  the 
matter    rested,    M.    Mole    being   content    to    wait   until 
Queen    Hortense    should     have    passed    away.      After 
her  death  the  Due  de  Montebello  presented  himself  at 
Lucerne  to  communicate  the  demand  of  the  Cabinet  of 
the    Tuileries    that    Prince    Louis    Napoleon   should  be 
compelled  to  quit  Swiss  territory  without   delay.     The 
demand  was  answered  by  a  firm  refusal.     The  French 
emissary  was  peremptory  for  immediate  expulsion  and 
there  ensued  a  close  combat  of  words,  gradually  threaten- 
ing actual   hostilities  between   France  and  Switzerland. 
The    situation    was    abundantly    satisfactory    to    Louis 
Napoleon.       He   became    for    the    nonce    an    European 
celebrity  ;    the    newspapers    were    full    of  him,    and   he 
acquired  for  the  first  time  real  importance  in  the  eyes 
of  the  Napoleonic  Party  throughout  France.      He  was 
no  longer  a  mere  adventurer,  but  was  elevated  into  the 
position   of  a  serious  political  opponent   of  the  French 
King.     Switzerland  actually  armed  to  resist  the  French 
demand  for  his  expulsion  ;  and  a  French  army  was  in 
course  of  concentration  to  coerce  the  Switzers  and  en- 
force the  extradition  of  Prince  Louis  Napoleon.      Had 

G 


82  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

the  situation  become  further  exacerbated,  there  was  a 
possibility  that  the  Prince  might  be  crushed  between  the 
upper  and  the  lower  mill-stone.  For  the  present  Louis 
Napoleon  had  made  himself  sufficiently  conspicuous  in 
the  eye  of  the  world  ;  and  he  prudently  put  an  end  to 
the  trouble  by  voluntarily  withdrawing  himself  from 
Swiss  territory.  He  sold  his  carriages  and  horses  by 
auction  at  Arenenberg,  paid  his  farewell  respects  to  the 
Diet,  and  travelling  through  Germany  and  Holland, 
returned  to  London  in  the  end  of  October,  1838. 


83 


CHAPTER   V 

THE    FIASCO    OF    BOULOGNE 

Prince  Louis  Napoleon  had  many  staunch  and 
influential  friends  in  England,  and  as  a  consequence  of 
the  futile  folly  of  Louis  Philippe  and  his  Ministers  he 
brought  with  him  to  London,  in  October  1838,  an  Euro- 
pean prestige.  The  days  of  obscurity  were  passed  in  the 
case  of  a  man  to  remove  whom  a  great  State  had  put  an 
army  in  motion.  In  all  respects  London  was  a  more 
convenient  place  of  residence  for  Prince  Louis  than  had 
been  his  mother's  chateau  in  an  obscure  Swiss  canton. 
No  molestation  could  reach  him  in  the  bosom  of  the 
great  and  free  British  nation.  In  London  he  was  in 
every  sense  nearer  Paris  than  he  had  been  in  Switzer- 
land ;  he  found  in  England  his  uncle  Joseph  and  he  was 
in  the  midst  of  a  number  of  well-affected  fellow-country- 
men. He  at  once  made  good  his  footing  in  the  best 
circles  of  the  British  capital,  and  he  became  immediately 
a  personage  of  high  social  interest  and  importance.  He 
seems  to  have  been  on  terms  of  intimacy  with  the  leading 
members  of  the  aristocracy  ;  he  was  welcomed  in  the 
best  country  houses,  and  notwithstanding  his  silent  and 
reserved  manners  he  was  a  favourite  in  ladies'  society. 
He  frequented  the  literary  and  intellectual  society  of  Gore 

Llouse  and  soon  after  his  arrival  in  England  he  went  on 

g  2 


84  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

a  tour  of  the  manufacturing  districts,  afterwards  making 

a  round  of  visits   which  extended  to  some  of  the  most 

notable  houses  of   Scotland.       In  the  famous  Eglinton 

tournament  which  was  held  in  August   1839  the  Prince 

took    an    active    part.       Armed    cap-a-pie    as   a    knight 

of  the    days    of    chivalry    he    broke    a   lance    with    an 

antagonist.     Their  spears    riven,   the  combatants    drew 

their   swords  and  their  armour    rang  under  the  heavy 

blows.    The  Prince  had  been  always  addicted  to  exercises 

requiring  spirit   and    skill.      His    training  at  Thun  had 

given  him  skill  in  the  use  of  arms  and  he  excelled  in  the 

management  of  the  lance,  a  circumstance  which  no  doubt 

gave  the  Eglinton  tourney  a  special  attraction  in  his  eyes. 

During  the  London  seasons  of  1839  and  1840  Prince 

Louis,  so  far  as  the  outside  world  was  concerned,  led  the 

life  of  a  man  of  fashion.      He  has  been  accused  of  having 

been  dissipated  and  a  spendthrift.     No  doubt  he  had  his 

share  in  the  fashionable  vices  of  a  lax  and   dissipated 

period.      But  a  man  who  thought,  worked,  and  schemed 

so  assiduously  as  did  Louis   Napoleon,  could  not  have 

been    altogether    absorbed    in    pleasure ;    for    he   lived 

in    daily   preparation  for   the  destiny  of  which   he  had 

assured  himself.      That  he  had  a  mission  to  perform,  as 

those    who    knew    him    most    closely    recognised,    was 

throughout  a  fixed  idea  in  Louis  Napoleon's  mind.     The 

man  who  wrote  the  '  Idees  Napoleoniennes,'  which  were 

published  in  1839  and  speedily  ran  through  four  editions 

in    France,    was    assuredly    a    thoughtful,    serious,    and 

earnest-minded     person.      '  The     "  Idees,"     wrote    Mr. 

Jerrold,  '  are  the  brightest  and  fullest  expression  of  the 

mind  of  Prince  Louis  Napoleon.      His  political  life  was 

this  work  in  action.     By  its  lights  his  conduct  as  President 


THE    FIASCO   OF    BOULOGNE  85 

and  as  Emperor  must  be  judged.  It  is  the  text-book  of 
his  policy,  the  code  of  his  personal  law,  the  last  result  of 
his  unwearied  study  of  the  man  under  whose  inspiration 
he  lived  and  died.  Yet  the  "  Idees  "  are  not  a  mere  sum- 
mary of  the  intellectual  manifestations  of  Napoleon  I.  ; 
they  are  rather  new  developments  of  those  manifesta- 
tions, applications  of  them  to  the  changed  aspects  of  the 
political  world,  the  Napoleonic  ideas  amplified  and 
carried  forward  for  the  government  of  society  by  a  later 
Napoleon.' 

The  Prince  had  brought  with  him  to  London  a  suite 
of  seven  devoted  adherents,  among  whom  were  General 
Montholon  (who  had  shared  the  St.  Helena  exile  with 
Napoleon  I.  until  the  death  of  the  latter  in  1821), 
Persigny,  Colonels  Vaudrey  and  Bouffet  de  Montauban, 
and  the  faithful  Dr.  Conneau.  His  confidential  servant  was 
Charles  Thelin,  who  later  became  a  person  of  some  import- 
ance. On  leaving  Fenton's  Hotel  the  Prince  established 
himself  at  first  in  Lord  Cardigan's  house  in  Carlton 
Terrace,  whence  in  the  winter  of  1839  he  removed  to 
the  house  of  Lord  Ripon  in  Carlton  Gardens.  His 
domestic  habits  during  this  period  are  thus  described 
in  the  '  Lettres  de  Londres ' : — '  The  Prince  is  an  active 
working  man,  severe  towards  himself,  indulgent  towards 
others.  At  six  a.m,  he  is  in  his  study,  where  he  works 
till  noon — his  hour  of  ddjeuner.  After  this  repast, 
which  never  lasts  longer  than  ten  minutes,  he  reads  the 
newspapers  and  has  taken  notes  of  the  more  important 
events  and  opinions  of  the  clay.  At  two  he  receives 
visits  ;  at  four  he  goes  out  on  his  private  business  ;  he 
rides  at  five  and  dines  at  seven  ;  then,  generally,  he  finds 
time   to   work  again    for    some    hours  in   the  course  of 


86  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

the  evening.'  It  has  been  said  of  him  by  unfriendly 
writers  that  the  Prince,  once  established  in  London, 
gave  himself  up  to  the  dissipations  of  the  town  and 
degenerated  into  the  mere  spendthrift  votary  of  pleasure. 
One  hostile  author  has  permitted  himself  to  aver  that, 
instead  of  learning  how  to  command  armies  and  govern 
nations,  his  time  was  almost  wholly  spent  on  the  turf,  in 
the  betting-room,  or  in  clubs  '  where  high  play  and 
desperate  stakes  roused  the  jaded  energy  of  the  blasd 
gambler.'  But  Mr.  Jerrold  maintains  this  description  to 
be  untrue.  '  Prince  Louis,'  according  to  that  writer, 
'  was  no  saint  either  before,  during,  or  after  his  residence 
in  London.  He  had  his  full  share  of  the  fashionable 
vices.  He  kept  a  mistress.  He  was  fond  of  sports  ; 
he  delighted  in  racing  ;  he  was  expert  in  all  manly 
exercises.  Both  in  the  hunting-field  and  the  park  his 
horsemanship  was  remarkable.'  In  a  word,  he  lived 
among  the  most  fashionable  men  of  the  day  ;  and  if  he 
were  in  a  measure  dissipated,  he  was  dissipated  among 
gentlemen.  His  earnest  belief  in  his  star  even  when 
fate  seemed  most  unpropitious,  struck  his  English 
friends  with  mingled  astonishment  and  amusement.  To 
most  of  them  it  was  a  sort  of  fetish  betokening  weakness 
of  mind  and  strength  of  vanity.  But  no  badinage  or 
discouragement  impaired  his  faith  in  the  ultimate  fulfil- 
ment of  his  destiny.  That  he  had  a  mission  to  fulfil  was 
a  fixed  conviction  in  Louis  Napoleon's  mind.  His 
manner  for  the  most  part  was  grave  and  taciturn  ;  he 
was  wrapt  in  the  future  and  seemed  indifferent  to  the 
present. 

In  the  spring  of  1840   the   Prince  of  Joinville  was 
voyaging   to    St.    Helena    in    the    Belle   Ponle,   on    the 


<0W* 


PRINCE   LOUIS,    AFTERWARDS   NAPOLEON    III.,    IN    1S4O 
{From  a  lithograph  after  Charlct) 


THE    FIASCO   OF    BOULOGNE  87 

errand  of  restoring  to  France  the  ashes  of  Napoleon  the 
Great ;  and  the  statue  of  the  '  Little  Corporal '  now 
surmounted  the  Vendome  Column.  Prince  Louis  in- 
discreetly and  prematurely  deemed  the  time  favourable 
for  making  a  second  effort  towards  the  restoration  of  the 
Napoleonic  power  in  France.  The  chiefs  of  the  party 
certainly  did  not  respond  with  ardour ;  nor  did  the 
emissaries  despatched  to  test  the  feeling  of  the  French 
Army  of  the  North  bring  back  favourable  reports. 
Among  the  Prince's  adherents  detailed  for  this  service 
were  Parquin,  Lombard,  and  a  new  recruit,  de  Mesonan, 
to  whom  was  confided  the  forlorn-hope  attempt  of 
bringing  over  to  the  Prince  General  Magnan,  then  in 
command  of  the  Army  of  the  North  with  his  quarters  at 
Lille.  Mesonan  sapped  up  towards  his  purpose  with 
but  little  address  ;  and  after  several  visits  to  the  General 
he  seized  a  moment  which  he  deemed  propitious,  and 
produced  for  Magnan's  perusal  a  letter  to  himself  from 
the  Prince,  the  terms  of  which  were  as  follows  :  '  It  is 
important  that  you  should  promptly  sound  the  General 
in  question,  whom  I  have  marked  to  be  one  day  a 
Marshal  of  France.  You  will  offer  him  100,000  francs 
down,  and  deposit  300,000  more  with  his  banker  to 
meet  the  contingency  of  the  loss  of  command.' 

The  General,  stupefied  by  a  communication  made  so 
bluntly  and  so  abruptly,  shouted  in  passion  :  '  This  to 
me — to  me — such  a  letter!  I  had  thought  better  of  you. 
I  will  never  betray  my  oaths — never  be  a  traitor.  But 
you  arc  mad!  M  y  attachment  to  the  memory  of  the 
Emperor  will  never  lead  me  to  betray  my  oaths  to 
the  King.  Were  I  so  base  as  to  accept  this  offer,  I 
should  be  a  thief  whom  the  meanest  corporal  would  have 


88  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

the  right  to  take  by  the  collar  !  I  ought  to  have  you 
arrested,  were  it  not  that  I  cannot  denounce  a  man  whom 
I  have  received  at  my  table.  For  God's  sake,  in  regard 
for  me,  for  your  own  honour,  renounce  your  projects ! 
I  shall  not  expose  you.'  The  General  opened  the  door 
of  his  room,  and  as  he  thrust  Mesonan  out  he  exclaimed, 
'  Go  and  get  yourself  hanged  somewhere  else  ! ' 

This  was  not  an  encouraging  episode.  The  Prince, 
having  failed  in  regard  to  General  Magnan  and  not 
having  succeeded  in  corrupting  any  officers  of  the  Lille 
garrison  through  the  machinations  of  Parquin  and  Lom- 
bard, abandoned  his  original  idea  of  causing  a  rising  in  a 
large  town  ;  and  having  decided  to  act  without  any  more 
delay,  he  fixed  his  choice  on  the  seaport  of  Boulogne. 
To  that  coast-town  the  access  was  comparatively  easy  ; 
its  garrison  was  very  weak,  and  there  had  already  been 
suborned  a  member  of  it  in  the  person  of  Lieutenant 
Aladenize,  an  officer  who  belonged  to  the  infantry  detach- 
ment of  two  companies  of  the  42nd  regiment  then  in 
garrison  in  Boulogne.  Muskets  were  purchased  in  Birming- 
ham ;  a  number  of  old  French  soldiers  were  hired  for 
whom  French  uniforms  were  provided  ;  and  Dr.  Conneau 
himself  sewed  on  them  buttons  stamped  with  the  figure 
40,  the  number  of  the  regiment  quartered  in  Calais  and 
Dunkirk.  A  printing-press  was  purchased  for  printing 
the  several  proclamations  which  were  to  be  issued  in 
France — to  the  soldiers,  to  the  inhabitants  of  Boulogne 
and  the  Pas-de-Calais,  and  to  the  French  nation.  The 
specific  roles  of  the  principal  adventurers  as  well  as  the 
details  of  the  execution  of  the  enterprise  were  prepared 
in  advance. 

Including  the    Prince,   the   expeditionary  body  con- 


THE    FIASCO   OF    BOULOGNE  89 

sisted  of  fifty- six  persons,  more  than  half  of  whom  were 
servants.       Among    the    superiors    a    few    indeed    were 
cognisant  that  some  such  enterprise  as  the  attempt  on 
Strasburg  was  impending  ;  but  apart  from  Persigny  and 
Conneau,  and  the  two  officers  ordered  to  Boulogne  to 
warn  Aladenize,  every  person  implicated  denied  more  or 
less  directly  at  the  subsequent  trial  having  been  aware 
of  the  time  of  sailing,  or  even  when  once  aboard,  what 
was  to  be  the  object  or  the  destination.     The  steamship 
Edinburgh  Castle  had  been  chartered  for  a  month  from 
Aug.  1,  ostensibly  for  a  party  of  pleasure-seekers,  with 
freedom  to  go  whithersoever  the  charterer  might  desire. 
On  the    night    of  Aug.   3-4  the  vessel  came  alongside 
the   Custom    House  Wharf  near   London    Bridge,   and 
early  on    the    morning    of  the    4th  there    were  put  on 
board  ship    under   the    superintendence  of  Count  Orsi, 
two  heavy  vehicles,  nine  horses,  a  number  of  packages 
of  uniforms,  and  a  quantity  of  wine  and  spirits.      It  was 
charged   against  the  followers  of  Prince  Louis  that  on 
arriving  at  Boulogne  they  were  nearly  all  drunk.     Cap- 
tain Crow,  the  skipper  of  the  Edinburgh  Castle,  testified 
before    the    Boulogne    authorities  that  the  drinking   on 
board  was  enormous,   and  that  sixteen   dozen   of  wine, 
besides  a  quantity  of  spirits  and  liqueurs,  were  consumed 
during  the  stay  at  sea,  or  at  the  rate  of  about  four  bottles 
of  wine   per  man.      Probably   among  the  miscellaneous 
throng  of  underlings  there  was  a  considerable  consump- 
tion of  wine,  but  it  is  certain  that  not  one  of  the  con- 
spirators was  found  when  arrested  to    show  any  token 
of  inebriety.     The  '  wild  orgie '  was  of  a  piece  with  the 
story  of  the  '  live  eagle '  which,  it  was  said,   was  carried 
on   the  shoulder  of   the   Prince  on   entering   Boulogne. 


go  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


y 


The  story  of  this  historic  fowl  was  very  simple.  Colonel 
Parquin  during  a  delay  while  the  Edinburgh  Castle  was 
anchored  off  Gravesend,  was  obstinately  determined  to 
go  ashore  for  the  purpose  of  purchasing  some  decent 
cigars,  those  on  the  ship  being  detestable.  He  had  his 
way  in  spite  of  all  remonstrance  ;  and  on  the  way  to  the 
cigar-shop  accompanied  by  Orsi  and  Thelin,  he  noticed 
a  boy  on  the  wayside  feeding  an  eagle  with  shreds  of 
raw  meat.  The  eagle  had  a  chain  fastened  to  one  of  its 
claws,  with  which  it  was  secured.  Returning  towards 
the  landing-place  Parquin,  whose  obstinacy  was  sus- 
tained, approached  the  boy  and  looking  at  the  eagle 
asked,  '  Est-il  a  vendre  ?  '  The  boy  turned  to  Orsi  and 
said,  '  I  do  not  understand  the  gentleman.'  Orsi  en- 
treated, '  My  dear  Colonel,  I  do  hope  you  don't  intend 
to  buy  that  eagle  ?  For  my  sake  don't  think  of  such  a 
thing  ! '  The  stubborn  Parquin  insisted,  '  Why  not  ?  I 
will  have  it.  Combien  veux-tu  ? '  The  boy  shrugged 
his  shoulders  ;  and  at  last  Parquin  asked  him  in  broken 
English,  '  How  mooch  ?  ' 

'  One  pound,'  answered  the  boy.  The  eagle  was 
put  into  the  boat,  Parquin  insisting  vehemently.  On 
arrival  aboard  the  eagle  was  fastened  to  the  main- 
mast by  the  boy,  and  from  that  moment  was  taken 
no  further  notice  of  until  it  was  discovered  and  seized 
by  the  Boulogne  authorities.  It  remained  on  ship- 
board, and  to  use  the  sententious  words  of  the  sub- 
prefect  of  Boulogne,  '  filled  no  role  in  the  affair.' 
The  'eagle,'  indeed,  seems  to  have  been  a  common 
vulture,  and  it  subsequently  found  a  temporary  resi- 
dence in  the  slaughter-house  of  the  town,  whence 
it    escaped ;    but,    altering    its    mind,   it    returned    for  a 


THE    FIASCO   OF    BOULOGNE  91 

time,    and   ultimately    belonged  to  a  charcoal  merchant 
of  Arras. 

From  the  outset  the  Boulogne  enterprise  was  an 
utter  fiasco.  Between  London  Bridge  and  Gravesend 
Orsi  in  the  Edinburgh  Castle  picked  up  at  various 
wharves  detachment  after  detachment  of  adventurers. 
In  giving  Orsi  his  instructions  for  the  arrangements 
regarding  the  steamer  the  Prince  had  particularly  in- 
sisted on  the  former  being  at  Gravesend  on  the  4th 
at  three  p.m.  precisely;  'because,'  said  he,  'we  shall 
have  to  proceed  to  sea  without  delay,  since  we  must 
land  at  Wimereux  near  Boulogne  at  four  a.m.  of  the 
5th.'  But  the  hours  passed  at  Gravesend ;  it  was 
nearly  six  p.m.  and  the  Prince  had  not  yet  made  his 
appearance.  His  house  in  London  was  actually  gardec 
a  vue  ;  wherever  he  went  he  was  followed  and  closely 
watched.  The  French  police  were  much  more  sus- 
picious and  active  than  usual.  A  council  was  held,  as 
the  result  of  which  Orsi  took  a  post-chaise  and  hurried  to 
Ramsgate,  whither  General  Montholon,  Colonel  Voisin, 
and  Colonel  Laborde  had  been  sent  by  the  Prince  to 
wait  for  him.  Orsi  reached  Ramsgate  at  a  very  late 
hour  and  with  no  news  of  Prince  or  steamer.  Voisin, 
who  was  one  of  the  three  officers  whom  Orsi  found  at 
Ramsgate,  waited  until  the  other  two  went  to  bed  and 
then  expressed  to  Orsi  his  utter  despair  at  the  non- 
arrival  of  the  Prince  with  the  Edinburgh  Castle.  '  Do 
you  not  know,'  said  he,  '  that  the  success  of  our  under- 
taking depends  entirely  on  our  reaching  the  Boulogne 
barracks  at  four  o'clock  to-morrow  morning — the  5th  ? 
The  only  man  we  dread  is  Captain  Col-Puygelier, 
commanding  the  detachment  at  Bouloene  ;  besides  beine 


92  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

a  man  who  will  do  his  duty  unflinchingly,  he  is  a 
Republican,  and  nothing  could  induce  him  to  join  an 
Imperial  Pretender.' 

'Well,'  observed  Orsi,  'we  shall  have  to  deal  with 
this  Hector ;  whether  it  be  to-morrow  or  next  day  does 
not  seem  to  matter.' 

'  You  are  mistaken,'  replied  Colonel  Voisin  ;  '  Captain 
Col-Puygelier  will  be  absent  from  Boulogne  all  day 
to-morrow.  The  Prince  had  purposely  fixed  the  5th  for 
the  enterprise,  because  he  is  aware  that  Col-Puygelier 
has  been  invited  to  a  shooting  party  on  that  day  some 
distance  from  Boulogne,  and  probably  he  will  not  return 
until  late.  If  we  miss  our  landing  to-morrow  morning 
we  are  doomed  to  utter  failure.' 

Between  one  and  two  a.m.  of  the  5th  the  steamer 
stopped  off  Ramsgate.  Thelin  came  to  announce  that 
the  Prince  had  arrived  and  that  he  desired  everyone  to 
come  aboard.  It  had  been  expected  that  the  debarkation 
at  Wimereux  should  be  accomplished  by  three  o'clock 
in  the  morning  of  the  5th.  It  was  now  two  a.m.  ;  the 
adventurers  were  still  at  Ramsgate  and  the  programme 
of  the  enterprise  was  dislocated  if  not  destroyed.  The 
undertaking  now,  if  attempted  at  all,  had  clearly 
become  a  most  hazardous  and  difficult  adventure.  Out 
of  the  twelve  men  of  superior  standing  whom  the  Prince 
had  called  in  to  deliberate  with  him  as  to  the  future, 
three  advised  the  Prince  to  return  to  London.  Nine 
were  urgent  for  the  landing  taking  place  ;  for  a  desperate 
dash  being  made  towards  the  barracks  in  order  to  secure 
the  adhesion  of  the  companies  of  the  42nd  at  any  price 
and  by  all  available  means  ;  and  leaving  the  town 
promptly,  reach  by  a  quick  march  St.  Omer  where  other 


THE    FIASCO   OF    BOULOGNE  93 

important  elements  of  success  might  be  anticipated. 
Forestier,  Count  Persigny's  cousin,  was  promptly  sent 
across  the  Channel  in  a  row-boat,  with  instructions  to 
make  all  speed  to  Boulogne  and  inform  Aladenize  and 
Bataille  of  what  had  occurred,  enjoining  them  to  get 
everything  in  readiness  so  far  as  was  possible,  for  the 
following  day,  the  6th. 

After  deliberating  for  some  time  as  to  the  advisability 
or  the  reverse  of  remaining  at  Ramsgate  during  the 
whole  of  the  5th,  it  was  unanimously  resolved,  that  in 
order  to  avoid  the  risk  of  suspicion  it  was  the  safest 
policy  to  go  tacking  about  at  sea  until  nightfall  of  the 
5th.  Once  out  in  the  Channel  the  steamer  cruised  about 
frequently  changing  its  direction  so  as  not  to  anticipate 
the  time  of  landing  arranged  with  Aladenize.  On  the 
5th  the  Prince  collected  his  adherents  on  deck  and 
made  them  a  short  address.  '  Companions  of  my 
destiny,'  said  he,  '  it  is  for  France  that  we  are  bound. 
The  only  obstacle  is  Boulogne  ;  that  point  once  gained, 
our  success  is  certain.  Support  me  bravely  and  in  a 
few  days  we  shall  be  in  Paris  ;  and  history  will  relate  that 
it  was  with  a  mere  handful  of  gallant  fellows  such  as 
you  are  that  I  shall  have  accomplished  this  great  and 
glorious  enterprise  !  '  It  has  been  stated  that  the  Prince 
had  with  him  a  sum  of  16,000/.,  left  to  him  by  his 
mother ;  and  that  shortly  before  the  debarkation  Bure, 
his  paymaster  and  foster-brother,  distributed  by  order 
of  the  Prince  100  francs  to  each  person  of  the  band. 
Count  Orsi,  however,  who  at  this  period  was  one  of  the 
henchmen  of  the  Prince,  states  in  his  '  Recollections ' 
that  it  was  he  who  financed  Louis  Napoleon  at  this 
juncture.     The  Prince,   says  Orsi,   required  20,000/.,  of 


94  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

which  10,000/.  was  to  be  paid  at  once,  and  another 
10,000/.  on  the  day  previous  to  the  departure  for  the 
projected  enterprise.  Orsi  testifies :  '  A  fortnight  of 
difficult  negotiations  enabled  me  to  comply  with  the 
Prince's  wishes.  On  June  21  I  handed  him  10,000/. 
in  gold  and  notes.  The  second  payment  of  10,000/. 
took  place  on  Aug.  3,  the  day  before  the  start' 

On  the  early  morning  of  the  6th  the  Edinburgh 
Castle  anchored  about  a  mile  off  shore  opposite 
Wimereux,  a  petty  port  about  two  and  a  half  miles  north 
of  Boulogne.  In  four  successive  trips  between  two 
and  three  o'clock  the  whole  force  of  the  expedition  had 
been  landed  ;  and  Forestier,  Bataille,  and  Aladenize  had 
been  found  waiting  on  the  beach.  A  Customs  officer 
had  observed  the  coming  and  going  of  the  ship's  boat, 
and  had  hailed  it.  A  voice  had  replied  out  of  the 
gloom,  '  We  are  soldiers  of  the  40th  regiment  on  voyage 
from  Dunkirk  to  Cherbourg  ;  but  one  of  the  paddles  of 
our  steamer  is  broken  and  that  is  why  we  are  de- 
barking.' 

A  superior  officer  of  Customs  asked  for  some  further 
information.  He  was  told  that  there  was  no  time  for 
talking  and  that  by  will  or  by  force  he  would  have  to 
act  as  guide  to  the  body  which  had  just  landed. 
Montauban  asked  Brigadier  Guilbert  of  the  Customs, 
'  Do  you  know  whom  you  are  to  escort  ?  It  is  Prince 
Napoleon  ! '  The  unhappy  douanier  replied  that  he 
would  lose  his  place  by  acting  as  a  guide.  '  Men  don't 
lose  their  places,'  was  the  answer,  '  who  are  constrained 
by  force.  Have  no  fear.  The  family  of  the  Prince  is 
rich  ;  it  will  not  forget  you.'  General  Montholon  offered 
the  man  money,  but  he  would   not  accept   it  ;    and   the 


THE    FIASCO   OF    BOULOGNE  95 

Prince,  noticing  that  he  was  troubled,  permitted  him  to  go 
free  on  condition  that  he  would  keep  silence.  The  lieu- 
tenant of  Customs  pleaded  fatigue  when  ordered  to  lead 
the  way  to  Boulogne.  '  Fatigue  or  no  fatigue,'  cried  de 
Mesonan,  '  you  must  tramp '  ;  and  Parquin  threatened 
the  poor  fellow  with  his  hand  on  his  sword,  shouting 
'  Come,  march  ! '  But  the  Prince  again  interposed  and 
permitted  the  officer  to  remain.  The  man  was  staunch 
in  refusing  Montholon's  offer  of  money,  nor  would  he 
accept  the  Prince's  promise  to  pension  him  should  he 
lose  his  place.  At  length  the  expedition  started  on  the 
march  for  Boulogne. 

The  plan  of  action  was  very  simple,  if  not  altogether 
practical.  It  consisted,  above  everything,  in  seizing  the 
barracks  occupied  by  the  two  companies  of  the  42nd 
regiment,  in  bringing  over  the  soldiers,  in  seizing  and 
holding  the  castle  which  served  as  arsenal,  in  taking 
possession  of  the  principal  public  buildings,  in  guarding 
all  the  exits,  and  then  in  rapidly  organising  a  military 
force  which  should  march  on  Paris,  gathering  up  on  the 
way  an  irresistible  army  borne  onward  by  a  popular 
impulse. 

About  five  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  6th  the 
expeditionary  column  entered  the  town.  It  reached  first 
the  Place  d' Alton,  where  there  was  on  duty  a  post  of  four 
men  and  a  sergeant.  The  sentry  recognised  Aladenize 
who  was  heading  the  advance  ;  then  came  Lombard 
carrying  the  flag,  and  behind  him  was  visible  a  brilliant 
staff  followed  by  a  few  soldiers.  The  sentry  shouted, 
'  Guard,  turn  out ! '  and  the  men  of  the  post  presented 
arms.  Aladenize  exclaimed,  '  Behold  the  Prince ! 
sergeant,  come  with  us  '  ;  but  the  loyal   sergeant  would 


96  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

not  quit  the  post  he  commanded  in  spite  of  Aladenize's 
alluring  representations.  The  sergeant  shrewdly  noticed 
that  the  Imperial  eagle  was  above  the  flag  which  Lombard 
carried  and  that  no  member  of  the  strange  band  knew 
the  watchword  ;  so  he  ordered  his  men  to  stand  to  their 
arms  and  reiterated  his  refusal  to  quit  his  post,  giving  no 
heed  to  Parquin's  threat  that  he  would  be  punished  for 
his  recusancy. 

The  stout  sergeant's  staunch  attitude  was  ominous, 
and  as  the  band  of  conspirators  were  marching  along  the 
Grande  Rue  there  occurred  a  second  rebuff.  An  officer 
of  the  garrison,  Sub-Lieutenant  Maussion,  was  met,  and 
one  of  the  Prince's  principal  adherents  accosted  him, 
asking,  '  Do  you  not  know  the  Prince  ?  Come,  I  will 
present  you  ! '  Maussion  declined,  but  a  sort  of  forced 
presentation  was  nevertheless  made  ;  and  the  Prince 
begged  the  young  officer  to  join  his  enterprise.  Maussion, 
however,  stammered  out  a  negative,  made  a  pretext  for 
quitting  the  Prince,  and  hurried  away  to  give  warning 
to  his  superior  officer  Captain  Col-Puygelier,  of  the 
extraordinary  and  alarming  event  which  was  in  course  of 
progress.  The  Captain  hastened  to  get  into  uniform,  all 
the  more  quickly  because  tidings  had  also  reached  him 
that  a  detachment,  seemingly  of  the  40th  regiment,  had 
strangely  appeared  at  the  barracks  of  the  42nd.  The 
news  was  true  ;  the  expeditionary  column  had  reached 
the  barrack  gate.  '  To  arms  !  don't  you  see  the  Prince  ? ' 
shouted  Aladenize  to  the  sentry  on  the  gate.  The 
soldier  obeyed  without  hesitation  the  command  of  his 
officer  ;  the  guard  promptly  turned  out  and  presented 
arms  ;  and  the  Prince,  followed  by  his  suite,  entered  the 
barracks  of  the   42nd  without    the  slightest    hindrance. 


THE    FIASCO   OF    BOULOGNE  97 

Two  sentries  were  at  once  posted  on  the  gate  with 
orders  to  prevent  any  officer  from  entering  and  to 
permit  nobody  to  leave  the  barracks.  Already  a  crowd 
had  gathered  outside,  into  which  one  of  the  Prince's 
officers  was  throwing  money  and  calling  for  shouts  of 
'  Vive  rEmpereur!'  It  need  not  be  added  that  the 
crowd  shouted  accordingly  with  a  hearty  unanimity  so 
long  as  the  distribution  of  franc-pieces  held  out.  A 
couple  of  sergeants,  just  as  they  entered  the  barrack-yard, 
were  taken  hold  by  Aladenize  each  by  an  arm  and 
brought  up  to  the  Prince.  '  This  man,'  said  he,  '  is  an  old 
soldier  who  fully  deserves  a  pair  of  epaulettes '  ;  and  the 
Prince  replied,  '  I  make  you  at  once  captain  of  grenadiers!' 
Shaking  the  other  sergeant's  hand  he  said,  '  And  you, 
mou  brave,  I  make  you  an  officer  also ! '  Then  the 
assiduous  Aladenize  presented  a  sergeant-major,  whom 
the  Prince  made  a  captain  and  desired  to  bestow  on  him 
the  cross  taken  from  his  own  breast.  But  in  attempting 
in  vain  to  detach  it  he  tore  his  uniform,  whereupon  he 
consoled  the  sergeant-major  by  assuring  him  heartily 
that  he  was  none  the  less  a  Chevalier  of  the  Legion 
of  Honour.  Sub-Lieutenant  Maussion  having  come  on 
duty,  Aladenize  begged  him  earnestly  to  cry  '  Vive 
lEmperetir  !  '  but  in  vain.  Maussion  shouted  '  Non  ! 
jamais  !     Vive  le  Roi  toujours  !  ' 

Now  appeared  Captain  Col-Puygelier  in  great  excite- 
ment. At  the  gate  of  the  42nd  barracks  a  retainer 
of  the  Prince  promptly  accosted  him.  '  Captain ! '  he 
entreated,  '  do  join  us  ;  here  is  the  Prince  ;  your  fortune 
is  made.'  Col-Puygelier's  prompt  answer  was  to 
draw  his  sword  and  shout  '  Clear  the  way — let  me  get 
to  my  soldiers ! '      He  was  surrounded,  but  he  fiercely 

H 


98  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

resisted.  'Fine  men  of  honour,'  he  roared,  '  to  commit 
such  a  treason  as  this  ! '  The  Prince  addressed  him : 
'  Captain,  I  am  Prince  Louis ;  join  us,  and  there  is 
nothing  which  you  may  not  expect  to  have.'  '  Prince  or 
no  Prince,'  replied  the  staunch  soldier,  '  I  don't  know  you 
— get  out  of  my  barracks  ! '  Then,  turning  to  his  men 
he  cried  :  '  Soldiers !  You  are  being  artfully  deceived ! 
Vive  le  Roi  !  Rally  round  me  ! '  The  rest  of  the  loyal 
officers  had  now  arrived  with  their  swords  drawn,  and 
Col-Puygelier  formed  up  his  troops  preparatory  to 
marching  out  for  action.  It  was  then  that  Prince  Louis 
in  his  rash  excitement  fired  a  pistol,  and  the  bullet 
wounded  a  grenadier  in  the  mouth.  Col-Puygelier 
promptly  distributed  ball-cartridges  to  his  men,  and 
rapidly  gave  orders  to  certain  of  his  officers  to  strengthen 
the  barrack-guard,  seize  the  port,  and  send  a  detachment 
to  the  upper  town  to  prevent  the  seizure  of  the  castle  and 
the  pillage  of  the  arsenal. 

By  this  time  it  was  six  o'clock,  and  the  civil 
authorities  were  now  on  the  alert.  Informed  that 
strange  men  were  traversing-  the  streets  with  treasonable 
shouts,  they  mustered  the  gendarmes  and  warned  their 
subordinates  to  turn  out  for  duty.  Meanwhile  the  band 
of  conspirators,  driven  out  of  the  barracks  by  superior 
strength,  headed  for  the  castle,  spreading  proclamations 
and  scattering  money.  As  they  passed  the  sub-prefec- 
ture, the  sub-prefect  stepped  out  into  the  street  and 
summoned  them  in  the  King's  name  to  disperse  and  at 
once  lay  down  their  flag.  The  Prince  gave  the  order 
to  push  him  aside  and  pass  on.  As  the  sub-prefect 
showed  an  intention  to  bar  the  way,  he  was  struck  full 
in  the  chest  by  a  blow  of  the  eagle  surmounting  the  flag, 


THE    FIASCO   OF    BOULOGNE  99 

and  in  defending  himself  his  hands  were  wounded  so 
that  he  was  obliged  to  give  way  to  the  Prince  and  his 
followers  ;  but  he  hastened  to  collect  the  National  Guard, 
some  two  hundred  of  whom  rendezvoused  in  the  Place 
d' Alton  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Sausot. 

The  adventurers  failed  to  seize  the  castle,  nor  did 
their  axes  make  any  serious  impression  on  the  closed 
Calais  gate  in  the  ramparts  of  the  upper  town.  Without 
any  apparent  object  they  hurried  to  the  Column  of  the 
Grand  Army  half  a  mile  from  Boulogne,  ascended  it, 
and  planted  on  its  summit  the  Imperial  flag.  A  pursuit 
by  horse  and  foot  was  promptly  organised,  whereupon 
the  adventurers  scattered  and  fled  in  all  directions. 
The  Prince  in  despair  would  fain,  it  has  been  alleged, 
have  committed  suicide  on  the  spot  but  that  his 
adherents  prevented  him.  Aladenize  and  six  others 
were  captured  when  hiding  in  the  adjacent  fields. 
Desjardins  was  apprehended  in  the  act  of  mounting  a 
peasant's  horse ;  Ornano  was  routed  out  of  a  hut  in 
which  he  had  hidden.  General  Montholon  and  Colonel 
Parquin  were  captured  near  the  port.  The  main  body 
of  adventurers  closely  pursued  by  soldiers  and  National 
Guard  hurried  down  to  the  water's  edge  shouting,  but 
in  vain,  to  the  captain  of  the  Edinburgh  Castle  to  take 
them  aboard.  Most  of  the  fugitives  surrendered  on 
the  beach  ;  some  few,  among  whom  were  the  Prince, 
Persigny,  Conneau,  and  M^sonan,  plunged  into  the  water 
and  attempted  to  seize  a  boat  which  by  chance  lay 
at  anchor  near  the  shore.  Then  the  Royalist  soldiers 
opened  fire  at  close  range  on  the  defenceless  unfortu- 
nates and  the  boat  capsized  while  they  were  attempting 
to    scramble    aboard.     Colonel    Voisin    was    hit    on  the 

H  2 


ioo  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

loins  and  breast,  the  Prince  was  struck  by  a  spent  ball, 
Viengiki  was  severely  wounded  in  the  shoulder  and 
d'Hunin  was  drowned.  Faure  was  killed.  The  lieu- 
tenant of  the  port  manned  a  boat,  and  in  the  face  of 
the  hot  fire  rowed  to  the  people  in  the  water  and 
rescued  the  Prince  along  with  four  of  his  officers.  The 
sub-prefect  and  the  mayor  bundled  the  Prince,  numbed 
and  shiverinof,  into  a  carriage  and  had  him  driven  to 
the  castle.  Persigny,  Voisin,  Conneau,  and  Mesonan, 
streaming  with  water,  followed  in  another  carriage 
escorted  by  gendarmes.  The  Prince  obtained  permis- 
sion to  divest  himself  of  his  wet  clothes  and  to  go  to 
bed  at  once.  By  eight  a.m.  the  affair  was  at  an  end — 
the  outbreak,  from  beginning  to  end,  having  lasted  just 
three  hours.  The  band  of  filibusters  were  incarcerated 
en  masse. 

Lord  Malmesbury  has  given  in  his  Memoirs  a  version 
of  the  affair,  which  differs  in  some  particulars  from 
the  account  detailed  above.  The  Prince  and  some  of 
his  followers,  it  is  stated,  had  taken  possession  of  a 
lifeboat  which  was  swamped ;  and  the  Prince  was  picked 
up  by  a  steamer  while  clinging  to  a  buoy  a  short  dis- 
tance from  the  shore.  He  would  have  been  drowned, 
it  is  added,  but  that  the  Custom  House  officers  brought 
the  Edinburgh  Castle  close  enough  to  permit  of  his 
being  conveyed  aboard.  Some  of  the  party  were  said 
to  have  made  their  escape  by  taking  forcible  posses- 
sion of  horses  belonging  to  some  English  gentlemen, 
but  were  pursued  and  most  of  them  taken  ;  some  of 
the  adventurers,  however,  were  killed  by  the  French 
soldiers  after  they  had  surrendered. 

Early   on    the    morning   of    the    7th    two    carriages 


THE    FIASCO   OF    BOULOGNE  101 

entered  the  castle-yard.  The  sub-prefect  and  some  of 
the  other  authorities  presented  themselves  and  desired 
the  Prince  to  follow.  As  he  came  out  into  the  yard  his 
adherents  thronged  the  windows  of  their  cells  with 
shouts  of  '  Vive  V Empereur  ! '  Halting  for  a  moment 
the  Prince  turned  to  them  and  said  in  a  loud  voice, 
'  Adieu,  my  friends  !  I  protest  against  this  forcible 
removal !  '  His  farewell,  uttered  with  emotion,  was 
answered  by  a  loud  voice  from  the  officers'  prison, 
'  Adieu,  Prince  !  the  great  shade  of  the  Emperor  will 
protect  you ! '  He  was  escorted  to  the  fortress  of  Ham 
by  a  detachment  of  lancers  and  a  body  of  municipal 
guards.  At  midnight  of  the  8th  the  Prince  arrived  at 
the  fortress,  with  the  grim  walls  of  which  he  was  soon  to 
be  familiar  during  a  long  and  weary  captivity.  But  for 
the  present  Ham  was  merely  a  temporary  resting-place. 
He  was  brought  to  Paris  on  the  12th,  and  in  the  cell  in 
the  Ccnciergerie  which  Fieschi  had  occupied  he  was 
imprisoned  under  the  close  surveillance  of  three  warders, 
without  permission  even  to  have  the  services  of  his 
valet. 

Kinglake's  comments  on  the  Boulogne  fiasco  are 
very  biting.  'If,'  he  remarks,  '  Louis  Napoleon  was 
wanting  in  the  quality  which  enables  a  man  to  go  well 
through  with  a  venture,  his  ruling  propensity  had 
strength  enough  to  make  him  try  the  same  thing  over 
and  over  again.  His  want  of  the  personal  qualifications 
of  this  sort  being  now  known  in  the  French  army  and 
ridicule  having  fastened  upon  his  name,  he  could  not 
afterwards  seduce  into  his  schemes  any  officers  of  higher 
rank  than  a  lieutenant.  Yet  he  did  not  desist.  Before 
long  he  was  planning  another  "  return  from   Elba"  ;  but 


102  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

this  time  with  new  dresses  and  decorations.  So  long- 
as  he  was  preparing  counterfeit  flags  and  counterfeit 
generals  and  counterfeit  soldiers,  and  teaching  a  forlorn 
London  bird  to  play  the  part  of  an  omen  and  guide  the 
destiny  of  France,  he  was  perfectly  at  home  in  that  kind 
of  statesmanship  ;  and  the  framing  of  the  plebiscites 
and  proclamations  which  formed  a  large  part  of  his 
cargo  was  a  business  of  which  he  was  a  master.  But  if 
his  arrangements  should  take  effect,  then  what  he  had 
to  look  for  was,  not  only  that  at  an  early  hour  on  a 
summer  morning  he  would  find  himself  in  a  barrack-yard 
in  Boulogne  surrounded  by  a  band  of  armed  followers 
and  supported  by  one  of  the  garrison  whom  he  had 
previously  gained  over  ;  but  also  having  to  do  with  a 
number  of  soldiery  of  whom  some  would  be  for  him  and 
some  inclined  against  him  and  others  confused  and 
perplexed.  Now,  this  was  exactly  what  happened  to 
him  ;  his  arrangements  had  been  so  skilful,  and  fortune 
had  so  far  lured  him  on,  that  whither  he  meant  to  go 
there  he  was  at  last,  standing  in  the  very  circumstances 
which  he  had  brought  about  with  long  design  afore- 
thought. But  then  his  nature  failed  him.  Becoming 
agitated  and  losing  his  presence  of  mind,  he  could  not 
govern  the  result  of  the  struggle  by  the  resources  of  his 
intellect ;  and  being  also  without  the  fire  and  joyfulness 
which  come  to  warlike  men  in  moments  of  crisis  and 
of  danger,  he  was  ill-qualified  to  bridle  the  hearts  of 
the  bewildered  soldiery.  So,  when  a  firm,  angry  officer 
forced  his  way  into  the  barrack-yard,  he  conquered  the 
Prince  almost  instantly  by  the  strength  of  a  more 
resolute  nature,  and  turned  him  out  into  the  street  with 
all  his  fifty  armed  followers,  with  his  flag  and  his  eagle 


-vuy,  r. 


PIERRE   ANTOINE    BERRYER 
(From  a  lithograph) 


THE    FIASCO   OF    BOULOGNE  103 

and  his  counterfeit  headquarter  staff,  as  though  he  were 
dealing  with  a  mere  troop  of  strolling  players.  Yet 
only  a  few  weeks  afterwards  this  same  Prince  Louis 
Napoleon  was  able  to  show  by  his  demeanour  before 
the  Chamber  of  Peers,  that  when  the  occasion  gave 
him  leisure  for  thought  and  for  the  exercise  of  mental 
control,  he  knew  how  to  comport  himself  with  dignity 
and  with  a  generous  care  for  the  safety  and  welfare  of 
his  followers.' 

Louis  Philippe's  Government  brought  Prince 
Napoleon  and  his  adherents  to  trial  before  the  Court  of 
Peers,  the  highest  tribunal  of  the  realm.  A  middle-class 
jury  had  acquitted  the  conspirators  of  Strasburg  ;  but 
the  Court  knew  itself  safe  in  the  hands  of  the  Peers, 
although  most  of  them  owed  their  honours  to  the  great 
uncle  of  the  chief  of  the  accused.  The  illustrious 
Berryer  undertook  the  defence  of  the  Prince,  and  the 
trial  was  begun  on  Sept.  28.  Much  curiosity  was 
evinced  as  the  Prince,  followed  by  Berryer  and  the 
venerable  Montholon  and  wearing  the  highest  order  of 
the  Legion  of  Honour,  passed  to  his  seat  a  little  apart 
from  his  adherents. 

The  Chancellor,  addressing  him  as  '  First  Accused,' 
bade  the  Prince  stand  up.  He  gave  his  name  and  age  ; 
his  profession  he  described  as  '  a  French  Prince  in 
exile.'  Then,  having  obtained  permission,  he  read  the 
interesting  statement  from  which  here  only  extracts  can 
be  made.  '  For  the  first  time  in  my  life,'  said  he  in  a 
firm  voice,  '  I  am  at  last  able  to  make  my  voice  heard  in 
France  and  to  speak  freely  to  Frenchmen.  ...  In  the 
midst  of  you,  gentlemen,  whom  I  know,  I  cannot  think 
that  I  need  justify  myself  or  that  you  can  be  my  judges. 


104  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

If,  without  pride  as  without  weakness,  I  recall  the  rights 
deposited  by  the  nation  in  the  hands  of  my  family,  it  is 
only  to  explain  the  duties  which  those  rights  have 
imposed  on  us  all.  For  the  fifty  years  during  which  the 
principle  of  the  sovereignty  of  the  people  has  been 
consecrated  in  France  by  the  most  powerful  revolution 
the  world  has  ever  seen,  the  national  will  has  never  been 
so  solemnly  proclaimed  as  in  the  adoption  of  the 
Constitutions  of  the  Empire.  The  nation  has  never 
revoked  this  great  act  of  her  sovereignty,  and  the 
Emperor  has  said,  "All  that  has  been  done  without  her 
is  illegal."  .  .  .  The  cruel  and  undeserved  proscription 
which  for  twenty-five  years  has  dragged  my  life  from 
the  steps  of  a  throne  to  the  prison  which  I  have  just  left, 
has  not  been  able  to  impair  the  courage  of  my  heart.  It 
has  not  made  me  for  a  day  a  stranger  to  the  dignity,  the 
glory,  and  the  rights  and  interests  of  France.  ...  As 
regards  the  recent  enterprise  for  which  I  stand  arraigned, 
I  have  had  no  accomplices.  Nobody  knew  beforehand 
my  projects,  my  resources,  my  hopes.  If  I  be  guilty 
towards  anyone,  it  is  only  towards  my  friends.  They 
will  understand  the  motives  of  honour  that  prevent  me 
from  divulging  even  to  them,  how  widespread  and 
powerful  were  my  reasons  for  anticipating  success.  .  .  . 
A  last  word,  gentlemen.  I  represent  before  you  a 
principle,  a  cause,  a  defeat.  The  principle  is  the 
sovereignty  of  the  people  ;  the  cause  is  that  of  the 
Empire  ;  the  defeat  is  Waterloo.  .  .  .  The  repre- 
sentative of  a  political  cause,  I  cannot  accept  as  the 
judge  of  my  acts  and  aspirations  a  political  jurisdiction. 
In  the  struggle  about  to  open  there  is  only  the 
conqueror  and  the  conquered.      If  you  be  the  men  of  the 


THE    FIASCO   OF    BOULOGNE  105 

conqueror,  I  have  no  justice  to  expect  from  you  and  I 
repudiate  your  generosity.' 

This  address  made  a  strong  impression  on  the 
Court. 

The  Prince's  subsequent  examination  was  brief,  since 
he  refused  to  criminate  others  and  kept  his  own  counsel. 
He  declared  that  the  discharge  of  his  pistol  was  a  casual 
mischance — an  accident  of  excitement. 

The  trial  lasted  until  Oct.  6th,  the  time  for  the 
most  part  occupied  by  the  pleadings  and  evidence  on 
behalf  of  the  conspirators.  The  sentence  to  which  the 
Prince  was  finally  condemned  was  perpetual  imprison- 
ment in  a  fortress  of  France.  Montholon,  Parquin, 
Lombard,  and  Persigny  were  doomed  to  twenty  years' 
'detention,'  and  Mesonan  to  fifteen.  Three  more  were 
sentenced  to  ten  years',  and  three  more  to  five ;  all 
to  be  under  surveillance  of  the  police  for  life,  and  to  be 
deprived  of  their  titles,  rank,  and  decorations.  Conneau 
and  Laborde  were  sentenced  to  five  years'  imprison- 
ment. 

The  sentences  were  delivered  by  the  Court  in  the 
absence  of  the  prisoners.  At  four  p.m.  of  Oct.  6th,  1840, 
the  officers  of  the  Court  of  Peers  entered  the  cell 
of  Prince  Louis  Napoleon,  and  in  a  broken  voice  M. 
Cauchy  read  the  decree  condemning  the  nephew  of 
Napoleon  to  imprisonment  for  life.  '  At  least,  sir,'  was 
the  calm  reply  of  Prince  Louis,  '  I  shall  die  in  France.' 
In  response  to  a  rather  heartless  question  he  asked  with 
a  quiet  smile,  'How  long  does  "perpetuity"  last  in 
France,  monsieur  ? '  Eight  years  later,  and  then  again 
eighteen  years  later  still,  he  was  to  answer  that  question 
as  the  result  of  his  own  personal  experience. 


io6  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


CHAPTER   VI 

FROM    PRISONER    TO    PRESIDENT 

Before  Prince  Louis  Napoleon  received  his  sentence  of 
perpetual  imprisonment  he  had  already  completed  his 
preparations  for  the  worst.  He  arranged  his  property  in 
such  wise  that  the  pensions  bequeathed  by  his  mother  to 
her  entourage  should  be  safely  settled.  No  claim  was 
disregarded.  For  the  benefit  of  those  dependent  on  him 
he  held  it  necessary  so  to  dispose  of  his  property  that  it 
should  be  beyond  the  reach  of  the  law.  This  was  accom- 
plished, and  when  on  Oct.  6th,  1840  he  left  Paris  for 
his  prison  he  was,  in  the  words  of  the  faithful  Thelin, 
'as  poor  as  Job.'  It  was  something  of  a  coincidence 
that  on  the  day  on  which  Louis  Napoleon  quitted  the 
Conciergerie  for  Ham  the  Belle  Poule  arrived  at  St. 
Helena  to  receive  the  remains  of  his  great  uncle  and 
restore  them  to  the  France  which  he  had  loved. 

Accompanied  by  the  venerable  General  Montholon 
on  the  evening  of  the  6th  he  was  put  into  a  carriage 
without  being  permitted  to  see  any  of  his  friends,  and 
under  the  charge  of  a  colonel  of  the  municipal  guard  he 
was  escorted  to  Ham,  where  he  arrived  at  midnight 
of  the  7th.  Dr.  Conneau,  who  was  allowed  to  share  the 
imprisonment  of  the  Prince,  followed  in  a  few  days,  and 
with  the  faithful  Thelin  the  little  coterie  was  complete. 


FROM    PRISONER   TO    PRESIDENT      107 

Ham  is  an  obsolete  fortress  situated  in  the  marshy 
region  through  which  flows  the  sullen  Somme.  It  had 
been  long  used  as  a  State  prison.  At  the  commencement 
of  his  enforced  sojourn  in  Ham  the  Prince  occupied  the 
rooms  which  had  been  previously  appropriated  to  M.  de 
Polignac  the  Minister  of  Charles  X.  ;  and  he  was  later 
transferred  to  those  which  had  been  occupied  by  the 
Comte  de  Peyronnet  the  colleague  of  Polignac.  Those 
apartments  were  simply  in  a  state  of  utter  dilapidation, 
and  comfort  was  as  carefully  excluded  from  this  melan- 
choly abode  as  was  liberty.  The  ceilings  were  full  of 
holes,  the  paper  on  the  walls  was  torn,  the  brick  flooring 
was  badly  laid  and  rotten,  the  doors  and  windows  could 
be  neither  closed  nor  opened.  To  remedy  in  some 
measure  this  condition  of  matters  which  was  sensibly 
injuring  the  Prince's  health  and  against  which  the 
doctor  had  remonstrated  with  vigour,  the  Minister  of  the 
Interior  placed  600  francs  at  the  disposal  of  the  com- 
mandant for  the  purposes  of  repairs.  The  pittance  of 
24/.  was  ridiculously  inadequate,  for  new  floors,  ceilings, 
windows,  and  doors  were  needed.  Nevertheless  no 
supplementary  amount  was  forthcoming,  and  the  Prince 
was  actually  asked  to  complete  the  repairs  from  his  own 
resources.  '  It  is  not  for  me,'  he  quietly  answered,  '  to 
keep  a  State  prison  in  repair.'  He  certainly  was  not 
of  an  exceptionally  querulous  nature.  The  Chevalier 
WikofT,  an  American  who  visited  him  in  his  prison,  thus 
writes  :  '  From  his  person  my  glance  wandered  over  the 
room,  which  surprised  me  by  its  extreme  rudeness.  It 
was  very  small,  the  walls  were  bare,  and  the  floor  was 
without  covering.  Three  or  four  wooden  chairs,  and  a 
single  table  on  which  among  other  objects  stood  a  plain 


xo8  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

student's  lamp,  constituted  its  principal  furniture.  In 
recesses  on  either  side  of  the  chimney  were  shelves 
carried  up  to  the  ceiling,  filled  with  books  ;  and  here 
and  there  round  the  apartment  were  suspended  several 
engravings  with  some  miniatures  of  the  Prince's  family. 
On  the  low  wooden  mantelpiece  stood  a  common  clock 
and  a  small  plain  looking-glass  above  it.  The  whole 
had  very  much  the  appearance  of  a  common  kitchen 
in  some  unpretending  private  house.'  When  Wikoff 
observed  that  nothing  could  well  be  more  vindictive  and 
illiberal  than  the  spirit  which  had  assigned  him  those 
miserable  quarters,  the  Prince  answered,  '  Oh  !  I  am  very 
well  off  now,  I  assure  you,  since  they  have  ordered  the 
removal  of  the  damp  brick  floor,  which  in  this  wet  climate 
and  decayed  old  building  was  seriously  impairingmy  health. 
I  am  afflicted  with  a  violent  rheumatism  which,  you  see, 
has  lamed  me ;  but  I  trust  it  will  pass  off  with  time.' 

The  garrison  of  Ham  consisted  of  400  men,  of  whom 
at  least  sixty  were  constantly  on  duty.  In  addition  to 
the  military  guard  which  properly  speaking  formed  the 
guard  of  the  fortress,  there  was  within  those  gloomy 
walls  a  brigade  of  warders,  turnkeys,  and  keepers,  to 
whom  the  constant  watch  on  the  person  and  movements 
of  the  Prince  was  more  particularly  entrusted.  Besides 
this  mass  of  espionage,  the  commandant  of  the  place 
zealously  performed  the  duties  of  high  surveillance. 
Sentries  there  were  in  all  directions  ;  on  the  stairs,  in 
the  corridors,  at  the  doors,  keepers  were  stationed  whose 
duty  it  was  never  for  a  moment  to  lose  close  sight  of  the 
prisoner,  and  who  dogged  his  footsteps  even  when  he 
took  his  walk  upon  the  ramparts  within  a  space  of  forty 
yards  long  by  twenty  broad. 


FROM    PRISONER   TO    PRESIDENT      109 

As  regarded  the  interior  arrangements  the  Prince's 
household  consisted  of  a  very  modest  establishment. 
The  expenses  of  his  table  had  been  regulated  by  M. 
Lardenois,  Lieutenant-Colonel  of  Gendarmerie,  the  officer 
who  had  escorted  the  Prince  from  Boulogne  to  Paris 
and  from  Paris  to  Ham.  The  sum  paid  to  the  canteen 
was  fixed  by  this  officer  at  seven  francs  a  head  per  day. 
The  Prince  arranged  his  mode  of  life  to  the  best  possible 
advantage.  He  rose  early  and  worked  until  ten  ;  after 
breakfast  he  walked  on  the  ramparts  or  cultivated  the 
flowers  for  which  he  had  made  a  sloping  parterre  along 
the  parapet ;  he  then  retired  to  read  his  correspondence, 
to  write  to  his  friends,  or  to  take  up  his  reading  ;  and  he 
thus  continued  to  occupy  himself  till  dinner,  which  was 
served  at  half-past  five.  After  dinner  he  conversed  with 
his  friends  and  received  the  formal  daily  visit  on  the 
part  of  the  Commandant  of  the  fortress  ;  and  in  the 
evening  a  game  of  whist  in  which  General  Montholon, 
the  Commandant,  and  Dr.  Conneau  joined,  completed 
the  somewhat  dreary  day. 

In  the  further  right-hand  corner  of  the  main  court- 
yard of  the  fortress  were  the  watched  and  barred 
windows  of  the  building  in  which  the  Prince  and  his 
companions  were  confined.  The  main  entrance  was  by 
a  narrow  door  opening  to  a  white-washed  passage  at 
the  extremity  of  which  was  the  guard-room.  On  the 
ground  floor  to  the  right  of  the  passage  were  the  two 
rooms  occupied  by  General  Montholon  ;  on  the  other 
side  of  the  passage  were  the  bath-room  and  chapel. 
The  Prince's  quarters  consisted  of  two  rooms  on  the  first 
floor,  the  windows  of  which  were  closely  barred.  One 
of  those  was  the  work-room,  the  other  the  salon,   which 


no  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

was  the  first  on  entering.  Its  principal  furniture  con- 
sisted of  a  great  mahogany  bureau,  an  old  commode,  a 
couch,  an  easy-chair,  four  straw-bottomed  chairs,  a  deal 
table  converted  into  a  card-table,  and  a  screen  hung  with 
designs  from  'The  Charivari.'  Little  by  little  the  Prince 
had  added  several  engravings  connected  with  the  historic 
epic  of  the  Empire,  a  portrait  of  his  mother,  busts  of 
the  Emperor  and  the  Empress  Josephine  by  Chaudet, 
statuettes  of  soldiers  of  the  Imperial  Guard,  and  lastly, 
on  the  shelves  fixed  against  the  walls  a  number  of  books 
— in  particular  a  file  of  the  '  Moniteur  '  and  fifty  volumes 
of  the  'Journal  des  Debats.'  The  second  room  served 
as  a  bedroom,  in  which  was  a  bed  of  painted  deal,  a 
toilette  table  in  white  wood,  a  jar  of  earthenware, 
several  chairs,  and  two  small  deal  tables  on  which 
was  a  toilette  service  in  silver  bearing  the  Imperial 
arms.  The  Prince  habitually  wore  either  a  military 
great-coat  and  forage-cap  or  a  blue  frockcoat  buttoned 
up  with  a  red  kdpi  trimmed  with  gold  cord.  The 
presence  of  the  three  men,  Montholon,  Conneau,  and 
the  valet  Thelin,  who  were  always,  so  to  speak,  at  his 
side,  very  greatly  ameliorated  the  bitterness  and  sorrows 
of  the  Prince's  captivity,  all  the  more  because  they  loved 
him  devotedly. 

Nevertheless  Louis  Napoleon  chafed  under  the  petty 
and  continual  vexations  of  which  he  was  the  victim. 
He  had  calculated  that  he  should  be  able  to  refrain  from 
making  complaints  until  he  had  endured  nine  months  of 
suffering  ;  but  then  he  considered  that  he  was  called  on 
no  longer  to  endure  in  silence  an  intolerable  situation, 
and  he  consequently  addressed  the  following  protest  to 
the  French  Government : 


FROM  PRISONER  TO  PRESIDENT   in 

'  Accustomed  from  my  youth,'  he  wrote,  '  to  a  strict 
rule  of  life,  I  do  not  complain  of  the  inconvenient 
simplicity  of  my  dwelling ;  but  that  of  which  I  do  com- 
plain is  being  made  the  victim  of  vexatious  measures  by 
no  means  necessary  to  my  safe-guarding.  .  .  .  During 
the  first  months  of  my  captivity  every  kind  of  communi- 
cation from  without  was  forbidden  and  within  I  was 
kept  in  the  most  rigorous  confinement  ;  since,  however, 
several  persons  have  been  admitted  to  me,  these  internal 
restrictions  can  have  no  longer  an  object,  yet  they  are 
the  more  rigorously  enforced.  .  .  .  The  attentions  of  my 
single  faithful  servant  who  has  been  permitted  to  follow 
me  are  encumbered  by  obstacles  of  every  descrip- 
tion. .  .  .  The  insulting  inquisition  which  pursues  me  into 
my  very  chamber,  and  which  follows  my  footsteps  when 
I  breathe  the  fresh  air  in  a  retired  corner  of  the  fort,  is 
not  limited  to  my  person  alone  but  extends  even  to  my 
thoughts.  My  letters  to  my  family  are  submitted  to  the 
strictest  scrutiny  ;  and  if  a  letter  to  me  should  contain 
any  expression  of  too  lively  a  sympathy,  the  letter  is 
sequestrated  and  the  writer  is  denounced  to  the  Govern- 
ment. .  .  .  The  treatment  which  I  endure  is  neither 
just,  legal,  nor  humane.  If  it  is  to  be  supposed  that 
such  measures  will  subdue  me,  it  is  a  mistake  ;  it  is  not 
outrage,  but  marks  of  kindness  which  subdue  the  hearts 
of  those  who  suffer. 

'  (Signed)  Napoleon  Louis  Bonaparte. 

'Citadel  of  Ham,  May  22,  1841.' 

The  result  of  this  protest  was  that  the  Prince's  valet 
Thelin  obtained  permission  to  go  out  into  the  town  of 
Ham,  and   that  the  authorities    were  induced  to  adopt 


ii2  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

measures  more  conformable  to  their  true  dignity.  The 
future  of  the  Prince  was  accepted  by  him  as  that  of  one 
who  notwithstanding  numerous  offers  of  devotedness  to 
his  cause,  chose  to  remain  a  stranger  to  any  thought  of 
escape.  Indeed,  this  acceptance  of  an  indefinitely  pro- 
longed imprisonment  had  a  certain  serene  pleasure  for 
the  exiled.  '  Recovered,'  he  wrote,  '  from  all  the  illusions 
of  youth,  I  find  in  my  native  air  which  I  breathe,  in  the 
studies  which  I  sedulously  pursue  in  the  quiet  of  my 
prison,  a  charm  which  I  have  never  before  felt  even 
when  partaking  of  the  pleasures  of  foreign  lands.' 

Apparently  he  was  in  earnest.  Writing  to  Lady 
Blessington  in  1841,  he  said:  'I  have  no  desire  to  go 
beyond  the  limits  within  which  I  am  enclosed,  because 
here  I  am  in  my  place.  With  the  name  I  bear,  for  me  is 
either  the  gloom  of  a  dungeon  or  the  glare  of  power. 
My  life  passes  here  monotonously  enough  because  the 
rigour  of  authority  is  unbending  ;  nevertheless  I  cannot 
say  that  I  find  myself  bored,  because  I  can  create  for 
myself  occupations  which  interest  me.  I  am  just  now 
engaged  in  writing  some  reflections  on  the  history  of 
England,  and  then  also  I  am  planting  a  little  garden  in 
a  corner  of  my  rampart  by  way  of  change.  But  I  must 
own  that  these  things  merely  pass  away  the  time  without 
stirring  the  heart  and  that  sometimes  I  do  recognise  a 
vacuity  of  thought.  But  I  make  no  complaint  of  the 
position  I  have  made  for  myself,  and  I  am  completely 
resigned.' 

The  Prince  carried  on  a  large  correspondence ;  but 
that  by  itself  did  not  occupy  his  active  mind.  In  the 
course  of  the  five  years  from  1840  to  1845  he  wrote 
and  published  articles  on  a  curious  variety  of  subjects. 


FROM    PRISONER  TO    PRESIDENT      113 

It  was  while  in  Ham  that  he  wrote  his  '  Historical 
Fragments '  ;  where  he  treated  on  the  '  Analysis  of  the 
Sugar  Question  '  published  in  the  local  journals  ;  where 
he  published  a  treatise  on  the  '  Extinction  of  Pauperism  '  ; 
and  where  he  drew  up  a  memorial  which  he  sent  to 
Arago,  on  the  '  Production  of  Electric  Currents.'  He 
wrote  a  memoir  of  his  uncle  Joseph  Bonaparte,  who 
died  in  July,  1844.  Among  his  other  works  were 
'  Opinions  on  Various  Political  and  Administrative 
Questions,'  'Of  Governments  and  their  Supporters,'  'A 
Reply  to  M.  de  Lamartine,'  '  The  Past  and  Future  of 
Artillery,'  and  '  The  Revision  of  the  French  Constitu- 
tion,' as  well  as  a  series  of  '  Miscellaneous  Papers.'      In 

1844  he  schemed  out  a  history  of  Charlemagne  ;  and  in 

1845  he  occupied  himself  with  the  question  of  the  possi- 
bility of  the  junction  of  the  Pacific  and  Atlantic  Oceans 
by  means  of  a  canal.  The  Minister  Plenipotentiary  of 
Guatemala  offered  him  the  presidency  of  the  construction 
of  the  Nicaragua  Canal,  as  the  sole  person  who  could 
fulfil  the  diverse  conditions  which  might  bring  success  to 
that  important  undertaking. 

In  April,  1845  Lord  Malmesbury  visited  the  Prince 
in  Ham,  at  the  request  of  the  latter.  The  Prince  stated 
that  a  deputation  from  Ecuador  had  come  to  him, 
offering  him  the  Presidency  of  that  Republic  if  Louis 
Philippe  would  release  him,  and  in  that  case  he  would 
give  the  King  his  parole  never  to  return  to  Europe. 
He  was  anxious  that  Sir  Robert  Peel,  then  Prime 
Minister  of  England,  should  intercede  with  the  French 
King  to  comply  with  his  wishes,  promising  every  possible 
guarantee  for  his  good  faith.  The  Prince  assured  Lord 
Malmesbury  that  the  soldiers  had  for  the  most  part  been 

1 


ii4  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

gained  over,  and  that  the  prestige  of  his  name  was  uni- 
versal in  the  French  army.  '  You  see  that  sentry  under 
my  window  ? '  asked  the  Prince.  '  I  know  not  whether 
he  is  one  of  mine  or  not ;  if  he  is,  he  will  cross  his  arms  ; 
if  not,  he  will  do  nothing  when  I  make  a  sign.'  He 
went  to  the  window  and  stroked  his  moustache  ;  there 
was  no  response  until  three  sentries  had  been  relieved, 
when  the  fourth  answered  by  crossing  his  arms  over  his 
musket.  'You  see,'  said  the  Prince,  '  that  my  partisans 
are  unknown  to  me,  as  I  to  them.  My  power  is  in  an 
immortal  name,  and  in  that  only  ;  but  I  have  waited  long 
enough  and  cannot  endure  imprisonment  any  longer.' 
Lord  Malmesbury  returned  to  London  deeply  impressed 
with  the  calm  resolution — or  rather  philosophy — of 
Prince  Louis,  but  putting  little  faith  in  his  ever  renouncing 
his  pretensions  to  the  throne  of  France.  Sir  Robert 
Peel  was  not  averse  to  apply  to  the  French  Government 
in  favour  of  the  Prince  on  certain  conditions  ;  but  Lord 
Aberdeen,  then  Foreign  Secretary,  *  would  not  hear '  of 
the  Ecuador  proposition. 

In  the  end  of  1845  Louis  Napoleon  had  been  a 
prisoner  in  the  fortress  of  Ham  for  over  five  years.  His 
father,  the  ex- King  of  Holland,  was  lying  dangerously  ill 
in  Florence  ;  and  he  sent  an  emissary  to  beg  of  the 
French  Government  that  he  might  have  the  presence  of 
his  only  son  at  his  approaching  death.  The  Council  of 
Ministers,  however,  decided  that  '  it  could  not  accede  to 
the  Prince's  request,  because  it  would  be  contrary  to  law 
and  because  it  would  be  granting  a  full  and  free  pardon 
without  the  King  having  the  merit  of  it.'  The  Prince 
then  wrote  direct  to  his  Majesty.  On  receiving  the 
letter     Louis    Philippe    seemed    satisfied,    and    without 


FROM    PRISONER   TO    PRESIDENT      115 

breaking  the  seal,  said  that  he  thought  '  the  guarantee 
previously  offered  by  the  Prisoner  of  Ham — "his 
honour" — was  sufficient.'  But  the  Council  held  that  the 
acceptance  of  the  letter  would  amount  to  a  pardon  by 
indirect  means  ;  and  that  '  in  order  to  maintain  the  proper 
exercise  of  the  King's  clemency,  it  was  necessary  that 
this  act  of  grace  should  be  deserved  and  frankly  avowed. ' 
M.  Odilon  Barrot  proposed  to  M.  Duchatel  the  drawing- 
up  of  a  new  letter  to  the  King  containing  the  following 
passage  :  '  I  had  hoped  that  your  Majesty's  Government 
would  see  in  that  engagement '  (of  returning  to  prison) 
'  one  guarantee  more  and  a  new  obligation  in  addition 
to  those  which  gratitude  should  have  imposed  on  me.' 
The  Prince,  however,  refused  to  go  further.  '  I  may  die 
in  prison,'  he  exclaimed,  '  if  unexampled  severity  con- 
demns me  to  such  a  lot,  but  nothing  shall  induce  me 
to  degrade  my  character.  My  father,  I  am  convinced, 
would  regard  my  liberty  as  over-dearly  purchased  at  the 
expense  of  my  dignity  and  of  the  respect  I  owe  to  my 
name.' 

Yet  the  Prince,  being  anxious  to  go  as  far  as  possible 
without  failing  in  what  he  owed  to  the  dignity  of  his 
name,  authorised  his  English  friend  Lord  Londonderry 
to  assure  the  French  Government  that  if  the  Prince 
were  set  free  from  his  imprisonment  in  Ham,  he  would 
undertake,  after  spending  a  year  with  his  father  in  Italy, 
to  betake  himself  into  exile  in  America  there  to  reside 
permanently.  But  to  this  proposal  no  reply  was 
accorded  ;  and  then  it  was  that  the  Prince  resolved  to 
attempt  making  an  escape  from  his  imprisonment  in 
Ham.      This   resolve   was  finally   made   only   ten  days 

before  the  plan  was  put  into  execution,  and  at  a  time 

1  2 


u6  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

when  at  length  some  workmen  had  appeared  to  repair 
the  dilapidated  rooms  and  staircases.  Dr.  Conneau  has 
described  the  preparations  and  the  Prince's  escape  : 

'  Every  morning  we  rose  betimes,  to  watch  the  move- 
ments and  habits  of  the  workmen  as  they  entered  the 
prison,  and  to  ascertain  whether  there  had  occurred  any 
alterations  in  the  usual  orders.  We  noticed  that  the 
Commandant  was  more  vigilant  than  ever  and  that  he 
was  constantly  superintending  the  workmen  ;  but  as  he 
was  then  suffering  from  a  severe  rheumatic  attack,  we 
found  that  he  did  not  rise  before  eight  o'clock  and  we 
therefore  determined  to  carry  out  our  project  before  that 
hour.  On  May  25  we  rose  early,  by  six  o'clock.  The 
Prince  put  on  his  workman's  disguise  consisting  of  a 
coarse  shirt,  a  blue  blouse,  a  pair  of  blue  trousers  with 
an  apron,  and  a  pair  of  sabots  over  his  boots.  As  his  face 
was  naturally  pale,  he  coloured  it  with  some  dye  which 
gave  him  a  ruddy  complexion.  He  also  painted  his 
eyebrows  and  put  on  a  black  wig  which  completely 
disguised  him  and  covered  his  ears.  Shortly  after  seven 
he  shaved  off  his  thick  whiskers  and  moustache  ;  and  I 
should  certainly  not  have  recognised  him  notwithstand- 
ing my  familiarity  with  his  person.  Thelin  invited  the 
workmen  to  have  something  to  drink  ;  and  when  the 
Prince  knew  that  they  were  all  partaking  of  a  morning 
dram  he  went  downstairs  with  a  plank  carried  on  his 
shoulder,  convinced  that  he  would  not  be  recognised.  I 
assured  him  that  he  might  go  forth  in  safety.  The 
workmen  came  out  one  by  one  and  I  saw  that  none  of 
them  recognised  the  Prince.  He  went  out  into  the 
courtyard  followed  by  the  workmen.  It  had  been 
arranged  that  Thelin  should  hold  the  guards  in  converse, 


FROM    PRISONER   TO    PRESIDENT      117 

in  order  to  keep  them  engaged  while  the  Prince  passed 
out.  I  ran  to  the  window  to  watch  what  was  occurring 
and  I  had  a  few  moments  of  anxious  doubt  ;  but  presently 
I  saw  the  Prince  with  the  plank  on  his  shoulder  advance 
towards  the  officer  who  was  on  guard,  and  who  was 
reading  a  letter  and  paying  no  attention  to  the  workmen. 
I  observed  the  engineer  officer  and  the  director  of  the 
works  come  into  the  court  separating  the  prison  from  the 
guard.  As  both  were  well  acquainted  with  the  persons 
of  all  the  workmen  I  dreaded  lest  they  should  recognise 
the  Prince  ;  but  they  were  both  reading  papers  and  did 
not  notice  the  Prince.  He  then  advanced  towards  the 
gate  ;  the  guard  opened  the  wicket,  and  to  my  inexpress- 
ible relief  I  saw  his  Highness  go  forth.' 

In  a  letter  written  from  London  a  few  days  after  his 
escape  the  Prince  thus  described  his  adventures  to  the 
editor  of  a  Calais  newspaper  : 

'  The  gate  of  my  prison  was  kept  by  three  warders,  two 
of  whom  were  always  on  duty.  It  was  therefore  necessary 
to  pass  them  first,  and  then  to  traverse  the  whole  interior 
court ;  at  the  gate  it  was  necessary  to  pass  the  wicket 
kept  by  an  orderly,  and  afterwards  to  pass  in  succession 
a  sergeant,  a  turnkey,  a  sentry,  and  finally  a  post  of  thirty 
men.  I  had  cut  off  my  moustache  and  taken  a  plank  on 
my  shoulder.  Scarcely  had  I  left  my  room  when  I  was 
accosted  by  a  workman  who  took  me  for  one  of  his 
companions.  Face  to  face  with  the  keeper  at  the  foot  of 
the  stairs  I  screened  myself  with  the  plank  and  reached 
the  court,  always  keeping  the  plank  towards  the  sentries. 
As  I  passed  in  front  of  the  first  sentry  I  let  my  pipe  fall  ; 
I  stopped,  however,  to  pick  up  the  fragments.  The 
soldiers  at   the  wicket   seemed   surprised  at   my  figure  ; 


n8  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

meantime,  however,  the  orderly  of  the  guard  opened  the 
gate  and  I  found  myself  outside  the  fortress.  There  I 
met  two  workmen,  who  looked  at  me  with  attention.  I 
shifted  the  plank  to  the  side  next  them  ;  they  appeared, 
nevertheless,  so  curious  that  I  thought  I  should  not  be  able 
to  escape  them,  when  I  heard  them  say  :  "  Oh,  it's  Berton." 

'  Once  beyond  the  walls,  I  walked  rapidly  towards 
the  St.  Quentin  road.  Shortly  afterwards  Thelin,  who 
on  the  previous  evening  had  engaged  a  cabriolet,  joined 
me  and  we  reached  St.  Ouentin.  I  crossed  the  town 
on  foot,  having  got  rid  of  my  blouse.  Thelin  having 
procured  a  post-chaise  under  pretence  of  a  drive  to 
Cambray,  we  arrived  without  hindrance  at  Valenciennes, 
whence  I  took  the  railroad  through  Belgium  to  Ostend, 
and  thence  crossed  to  England.' 

The  faithful  Conneau  made  great  efforts  to  conceal 
the  escape  of  the  Prince  ;  his  anxiety  was  to  gain  at 
least  twenty-four  hours  for  the  escape  of  his  Highness. 
He  gave  out  that  the  Prince  was  ill  in  bed  and  had 
taken  medicine.  Conneau  took  the  medicine  himself; 
then  he  mixed  coffee  and  nitric  acid  to  produce  a 
disagreeable  smell,  so  that  his  men-of-all-work  might  be 
assured  that  the  Prince  was  really  ill.  At  noon  came 
the  Commandant,  whom  Conneau  informed  that  his 
patient  was  somewhat  easier.  He  came  again  at  seven 
in  the  evening,  with  an  air  of  some  suspicion.  '  If,' 
said  he,  '  the  Prince  is  still  ill  I  must  speak  to  him  ! ' 
Conneau  had  prepared  a  large  stuffed  figure  which  he 
had  laid  in  the  Prince's  bed,  the  head  resting  on  the 
pillow.  He  called  the  Prince,  from  whom  naturally 
came  no  reply.  It  was  then  indicated  by  a  sign  to  the 
Commandant  that  the  Prince  was  asleep.     This  did  not 


DR.    CONNEAU 


FROM    PRISONER   TO    PRESIDENT      119 

satisfy  the  suspicious  officer ;  he  sat  down  in  the  salon 
with  the  observation,  '  The  Prince  will  not  sleep  always  ; 
I  shall  wait.'  The  hours  passed  and  the  evening  drum 
beat.  At  length  the  Commandant  rose  and  said,  '  The 
Prince  has  moved  ;  he  is  waking  up.'  The  Commandant 
strained  his  ears,  but  heard  no  sound  of  breathing  from 
the  form  in  the  bed.  Conneau  pleaded,  '  Let  him  sleep 
on.'  But  the  suspicions  of  the  Commandant  had 
reached  a  climax.  He  approached  the  bed,  to  find  there 
the  stuffed  figure.  Turning  to  Conneau  he  angrily 
exclaimed,  '  The  Prince  has  gone  !  At  what  hour  ? ' 
Conneau  answered,  'At  seven  this  morning.'  'Who 
were  the  persons  on  guard  ? '  asked  the  irate  Com- 
mandant. '  I  know  nothing,'  replied  Conneau.  '  These,' 
Conneau  has  said,  '  were  the  only  words  which  were 
exchanged  between  us  ;  and  the  Commandant  went 
out.'  Conneau  was  sentenced  to  three  months'  im- 
prisonment, the  Commandant  and  keepers  were 
acquitted,  and  Thelin  was  condemned  in  absentia  to 
six  months'  imprisonment. 

On  his  arrival  in  England  Prince  Louis  wrote  to  the 
British  Foreign  Minister,  assuring  him  of  his  peace- 
able intentions.  Lord  Aberdeen  replied  that  on  this 
assurance  the  Prince's  residence  in  England  would 
not  be  objectionable  to  the  Queen  or  her  Government. 
The  Prince  publicly  intimated  to  the  French  Ambas- 
sador to  the  British  Court  his  escape  from  Ham  and  his 
arrival  in  England,  stating  formally  that  he  had  no 
intention  '  to  enter  on  the  political  scene  nor  to  attempt 
to  disturb  the  peace  of  Europe,  but  solely  to  fulfil  a  sacred 
duty.'  His  endeavours,  however,  to  procure  passports 
which  would  admit  of  his  reaching  his  father's  death-bed 


120  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

met  with  no  success.  The  Austrian  Minister  refused 
his  request,  the  reason  alleged  being  deference  to  the 
expressed  desire  of  the  French  Government.  The 
Grand  Duke  of  Tuscany  refused  to  allow  him  to  pass 
even  twenty-four  hours  within  his  territory,  on  the 
pretext  that  French  influence  blocked  the  way.  The 
French  Government  remained  pitiless  ;  and  the  ex- King 
Louis  died  at  Florence  on  July  25,  1846,  without  having 
had  the  solace  of  having  been  permitted  to  embrace  his 
only  surviving  son. 

From  May,  1846  until  February,  1848,  Prince  Louis 
Napoleon  lived  quietly  in  England.  In  the  beginning 
of  1847  he  installed  himself  in  a  newly-built  house  in 
King  Street,  St.  James's,  where  he  occupied  himself  in 
collecting  his  books,  portfolios,  and  family  portraits.  It 
was  while  living  in  this  house — which  was  origin- 
ally numbered  10,  King  Street  but  which  is  now 
numbered  '  I.C.,'  in  that  street,  and  on  the  front  of 
which  is  the  blue  plaque  commemorating  the  residence 
there  of  Louis  Napoleon  from  1846  to  1848 — that, 
according  to  Mr.  Jerrold,  'he  saw  his  days  of  com- 
parative poverty.'  Yet  the  rent  of  his  house  amounted 
to  300/.  a  year ;  and  although  he  incurred  heavy  losses 
on  the  Turf  and  needed  to  have  recourse  to  the  help  of 
friends,  he  probably  never  was  in  the  straits  to  which  he 
has  been  said  to  have  been  reduced.  He  had  many 
staunch  and  true  friends,  although  it  seems  unquestion- 
able that  when  he  went  to  Paris  in  February,  1848  he 
was  'almost  moneyless.'  The  subject  is  not  one  on 
which  there  is  any  necessity  to  dwell  ;  it  remains  that  in 
his  worst  days  Prince  Louis  Napoleon  wTas  always  able 
to  pay  his  way  with  more  or  less  promptitude. 


NO.    IO    KING    STREET,    ST.    JAMES  S, 

PRINCE    I  "i  IS    NAPOLEON'S    RESIDENCE    IN    LONDON 

{From  a  photograph  by  Elliott  &*  Fry) 


FROM    PRISONER   TO    PRESIDENT      121 

The  Prince  was  living  his  usual  life  in  London,  wait- 
ing and  watching  with  alertness  yet  without  impatience, 
when  the  Revolution  of  February,  1 848  suddenly  opened 
for  him  a  vista  of  which  he  did  not  delay  to  take 
advantage.  He  had  departed  for  Paris  as  soon  as  the 
tidings  of  the  flight  of  Louis  Philippe  reached  London, 
and  on  Feb.  28  he  addressed  the  following  letter  to  the 
Provisional  Government  : 

'  Gentlemen, — The  people  of  Paris  having  destroyed 
by  their  heroism  the  final  vestiges  of  the  recent  foreign 
invasion,  I  hasten  from  exile  to  place  myself  under  the 
flag  of  the  Republic  just  proclaimed.  With  no  other 
ambition  than  that  of  serving  my  country,  I  announce  my 
arrival  to  the  Provisional  Government,  and  beg  to  assure 
them  of  my  devotion  to  the  cause  which  they  represent, 
and  my  sympathy  for  them  personally. 

'  L.  N.  Bonaparte.' 

The  Government,  however,  promptly  requested  him 
to  withdraw  from  France,  thus  acknowledging  the  danger 
in  which  his  presence  would  involve  them.  He 
answered  courteously,  '  You  think  that  my  presence  at 
this  time  would  be  an  embarrassment ;  I  therefore  retire 
for  the  present.'  He  returned  to  England,  to  serve  in 
London  on  April  30  on  his  beat  in  Park  Lane,  armed 
with  the  truncheon  of  a  special  constable.  Although 
strongly  pressed  he  declined  to  be  nominated  for  the 
Constituent  Assembly  elected  on  April  23,  but  was 
elected  in  June  in  three  Departments  and  in  Paris  ;  in 
each  case,  however,  he  declined  the  honour.  He  was 
well  out  of  the  ferocious  and  bloody  insurrection  of 
June,  during  which  tremendous  conflict  between  the  Red 


122  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Republicans  and  the  guardians  of  society  more  than  300 
barricades  were  erected,  16,000  persons  were  killed  or 
wounded,  8,000  prisoners  were  taken,  and  the  loss 
incurred  by  it  to  the  nation  was  estimated  at  300,000,000 
francs. 

At  length,  in  his  fortieth  year,  after  a  life  of  exile  and 
captivity,  of  danger  and  trouble,  the  nephew  and  heir  of 
Napoleon  the  Great  entered  the  capital  of  France,  called 
thither,  in  spite  of  the  animosity  of  hostile  factions  in  the 
Assembly,  as  the  representative  of  five  Departments, 
offering  him  a  total  of  over  200,000  votes.  He  elected 
to  sit  for  Paris,  which  was  his  place  of  birth  ;  and  he 
went  quietly  to  the  Hotel  du  Rhin  in  the  Place 
Vendome,  from  the  windows  of  which  he  could  see 
towering  over  the  capital  the  figure  of  the  great  man 
whose  genius  had  been  the  guiding  star  of  his  life. 

On  Sept.  26,  1848,  the  heir  of  Napoleon  made  his 
first  appearance  in  the  National  Assembly.  On  his  way 
he  had  been  heralded  by  irrepressible  shouts  of  '  Vive 
Louis  Napotion  /'  'Vive  HEmpereur !'  Inside  the 
Assembly  he  was  received  in  deep  silence.  Under  the 
gaze  of  his  enemies  his  bearing  was  quiet,  composed, 
and  resolute  ;  when  he  mounted  the  tribune  the  audience 
listened  to  the  firm  voice  and  marked  the  soldierly  atti- 
tude.     He  wasted  no  words  : 

'  After  thirty-four  years  of  proscription  and  exile,'  he 
said,  '  I  have  returned  to  my  country  and  to  my  rights 
as  a  citizen.  The  Republic  has  given  me  this  blessing  ; 
let  it  receive  my  vow  of  gratitude  and  devotion,  and  let 
the  generous  compatriots  who  have  returned  me  to  this 
Assembly  be  assured  that  they  will  always  see  me 
devoted  to  the  noble  task  which  devolves  on  all  of  us — 


FROM    PRISONER   TO    PRESIDENT      123 

that  of  securing  order  and  tranquillity,  and  the  develop- 
ment of  the  institutions  of  the  State  which  the  people 
have  a  right  to  demand. 

'  For  a  long  time,  gentlemen,  I  have  been  able  to 
give  to  my  country  only  the  meditations  of  exile  and 
captivity.  To-day  the  career  which  you  follow  is 
opened  to  me  also.  Receive  me  into  your  ranks,  dear 
colleagues,  with  the  affectionate  sympathy  I  myself  feel. 
You  need  not  doubt  that  my  conduct  will  always  be 
inspired  by  respectful  adherence  to  the  law  ;  it  will  prove 
to  all  who  have  endeavoured  to  traduce  me  with  the 
design  of  proscribing  me  still,  that  no  one  is  more 
devoted  than  I  to  the  defence  of  order  and  the  consolida- 
tion of  the  Republic' 

On  Oct.  13  the  Republican  Constitution  of  1848, 
which  Marrast,  President  of  the  Assembly,  had  prepared, 
was  carried  ;  on  Oct.  9  the  Assembly  decided  by  a  vote 
of  627  against  130  that  the  President  of  the  Republic 
should  be  elected  by  a  direct  universal  vote  of  the  nation  ; 
and  on  Nov.  4  the  famous  Constitution  of  1848  was 
finally  carried  by  739  votes  against  30.  On  Nov.  12 
was  held  the  national  fete  of  the  promulgation  of  the 
Constitution.  Venetian  masts  from  which  tricolour 
banners  waved  and  from  the  base  of  which  incense  rose 
into  the  air,  adorned  the  Place  de  la  Concorde.  By  the 
gates  of  the  Tuileries  rose  a  gorgeous  altar  all  velvet 
and  gold,  and  surmounted  with  the  sacred  legend  '  Love 
one  another.'  Armand  Marrast,  the  President  of  the 
Assembly,  with  General  Cavaignac  on  his  right,  and 
Marie,  Keeper  of  the  Seals,  on  his  left,  stood  bareheaded 
in  the  wind  and  snow  of  the  bitter  winter  day  and  read 
the  Constitution  in  a  loud  voice.     The   Archbishop  of 


i24  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Paris  celebrated  high  mass  followed  by  a  Te  Deum,  and 
on  the  morrow  the  '  Moniteur '  approved  this  grand  and 
simple  manner  of  promulgating  the  new  code  of  laws  '  in 
the  face  of  Heaven.' 

The  method  of  the  election  of  the  President  of  the 
Republic  was  the  battle-ground  of  parties  in  the  Assembly, 
the  Republican  democrats  fully  conscious  that  election 
by  universal  suffrage  meant  the  return  of  Prince  Louis 
Napoleon.  In  the  ballot  of  Dec.  10  the  great  class 
of  small  owners  and  small  manufacturers  voted  in  a 
body  for  the  Prince.  They  voted  for  law,  order,  and 
authority,  for  settled  times  and  quiet  streets,  because  they 
wanted  to  be  at  work  and  to  renew  the  old  happiness  of 
saving.  And  the  result  was  decisive,  for  Prince  Louis 
Napoleon  had  a  majority  of  three  and  a  half  millions 
over  all  his  rivals  combined.  The  election  was  held 
on  Dec.  20.  No  opposition  was  presented  against  the 
colossal  majority  which  the  Prince  had  obtained.  As  he 
entered  the  thronged  Assembly  all  eyes  were  turned  upon 
him.  M.  Marrast  rose  from  the  Presidential  chair,  and 
announced  that  Citizen  Louis  Bonaparte  having  obtained 
an  absolute  majority  of  votes,  was  proclaimed  by  the 
National  Assembly  President  of  the  French  Republic 
from  that  day  until  the  second  Sunday  of  May,  1852  ; 
and  he  was  invited  to  ascend  the  tribune  and  take  the 
oath.  The  spectacle  was  sombre  in  the  dimly  lighted 
chamber  as  M.  Marrast  read  aloud  the  oath  : 

'  In  the  presence  of  God  and  before  the  French  people 
I  swear  to  remain  faithful  to  the  democratic  Republic,  and 
to  defend  the  Constitution.' 

The  Prince  raised  his  right  hand,  and  said,  '  I  swear.' 
M.  Marrast  again  spoke  in  a  solemn  voice  :  '  I  take  God 


FROM    PRISONER   TO    PRESIDENT      125 

to  witness  the  oath  that  has  been  sworn.  It  will  be 
inserted  in  the proch-verbal  in  the  "  Moniteur,"  and  will 
be  published  in  the  form  prescribed  for  public  oaths.' 

The  scene  ended  with  the  measured  withdrawal  of 
the  Prince-President,  escorted  by  questors  nominated  to 
conduct  him  to  the  Elysee  Palace  with  the  ceremonies 
due  to  his  exalted  position.  So  hurriedly  had  the 
function  been  prepared  that  not  a  single  room  in  the 
Elyse*e  had  been  arranged  for  his  reception.  A  bed,  a 
table,  a  chair,  and  a  washhand-stand  sufficed  for  the  new 
occupant  of  the  Elysee,  who  had  returned  to  one  of  the 
haunts  of  his  childhood  after  forty  years  of  wandering 
and  exile. 


126  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


CHAPTER     VII 

THE    COUP  D'ETAT 

On  Dec.  20,  1848,  Prince  Louis  Napoleon  had 
sworn  in  the  presence  of  God  and  before  the  French 
people  '  to  remain  faithful  to  the  democratic  Republic 
and  to  defend  the  Constitution.'  Then,  asking  leave  to 
address  a  few  words  to  the  Assembly,  he  said  :  '  I  shall 
regard  as  enemies  to  the  country  all  who  should  attempt 
to  subvert  the  Constitution,  and  between  me  and  the 
Assembly  will  exist  the  most  perfect  harmony  of  views. 
The  policy  of  France  should  be  peace  abroad  and  a 
spirit  of  conciliation  at  home.  I  have  called  to  my 
Council  honourable  men  who,  sprung  from  varied 
origin,  are  a  guarantee  of  conciliation.  .  .  .  The  Go- 
vernment will  be  neither  Utopian  nor  reactionary.  We 
will  strive  to  give  happiness  to  the  country  ;  and  we  hope 
that,  with  the  blessing  of  God,  if  we  do  not  accomplish 
oreat  things  we  shall  endeavour  to  do  good  things.' 

The  Citizen-President  had  three  years  before  him  in 
which  to  make  good  these  words  ;  but,  as  it  turned  out, 
they  were  mere  words  and  nothing  more.  He  soon 
gave  the  '  men  distinguished  for  talent  and  patriotism  ' 
whom  he  had  called  to  his  Councils  to  understand  that 
he  had  little  regard  for  their  advice,  and  he  did  not  delay 
to  apprise  them  that  he  had  no  intention  of  according 


THE    COUP  D'ETAT  127 

to  them  the  responsibilities  which  etiquette  ascribes  to 
high  official  functionaries.  When  he  demanded  of  the 
Minister  of  the  Interior  the  delivery  to  him  of  the 
papers  and  evidence  relating  to  the  Strasburg  and 
Boulogne  affairs,  M.  de  Malleville,  '  refusing  to  be 
a  purloiner  of  public  documents,'  resigned  from  the 
Ministry.  This  first  and  most  respectable  of  the  half- 
dozen  Ministries  which,  with  intervals  of  no  Ministry  at 
all,  the  Prince-President  formed  and  dismissed  in  the 
course  of  the  three  years  from  December,  1848  to 
December,  1851,  had  Odilon  Barrot  for  its  chief  and  it 
had  to  be  reconstructed  almost  as  soon  as  formed. 
When,  after  sundry  chops  and  changes,  it  went  to  pieces 
in  October,  1849,  the  Prince-President  fell  back  on  his  de- 
voted adherents  Persigny  and  Ferdinand  Barrot  to  form 
a  Ministry.  They  constructed  one  of  men  independent 
of  party  ties,  but  in  the  main  devoted  to  the  policy  of  the 
Elysee.  From  this  time  commenced  that  system  of 
puppet  administration,  in  which  neither  genius,  experi- 
ence, nor  patriotism,  neither  honesty  nor  personal  honour, 
could  intervene  to  check  or  modify  the  absolute  will  of 
the  Prince-President.  To  follow  the  Ministerial  history 
of  the  subsequent  periods  would  be  a  humiliating  and 
unprofitable  task.  In  the  course  of  three  years  Louis 
Napoleon  had  some  eighty  or  ninety  Ministers — the 
Cabinet  generally  consisting  of  ten  members — to  not 
one  of  whom  did  he  accord  an  unreserved  confidence 
except  to  Saint-Arnaud  and  de  Maupas,  members  of  the 
Ministry  during  which  the  Coup  d Iitat  occurred. 

The  Prince-President  held  on  his  way  to  the  ultimate 
goal.  In  his  domestic  policy  his  first  acts  were  to 
suspend  universal  suffrage,  now  that  it  had  served  his 


128  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

turn  ;  to  shackle  the  press  ;  to  suppress  associations  of  all 
kinds — in  a  word,  to  crush  the  expression  of  public  opinion. 
The  Church  Party  having  been  propitiated  and  military 
ardour  having    been  gratified    by  the    bombardment  of 
Rome,  the  systematic  corruption  of  the  army  was  under- 
taken.   Champagne,  sausages,  and  cigars  were  distributed 
lavishly  among  whole    regiments  on    the   plains  of   St. 
Maur  and  Satory,  the  recompense  for  which  was  shouts 
of  '  Vive  Napoldon  ! '  and   '  Vive  r Empereur  ! '     Those 
proceedings,  which  stank  in  the  nostrils  of  all  Europe, 
justly  alarmed  the  Constitutional  party  in  France.     This 
alarm  was  the  more  justifiable  because  the  Constitution 
had  jealously  provided  that  the  President  should  never 
have  any  personal  command  of  the  army.     Yet  Louis 
Napoleon,   with  no  other  military  rank  than   that  of  a 
captain  of  artillery  in  the  Swiss  service,  wore  the  uniform 
of  a  French  general  officer  and  surrounded  himself  with 
an  Mat-major,  aides-de-camp,  and  orderly  officers.      He 
reviewed  troops,  distributed  orders  and  honours  with  all 
the  forms    employed    by    soldier-sovereigns,  and    in    all 
respects  deported  himself  as  the  General-in-Chief  of  the 
army.     Then  followed  those  demonstrations,  ostentatious 
progresses  through  the  provinces,   feasting  and  speech- 
making,  in  which  '  the  consolidation  of  the  new  institu- 
tions of  the  country '  were  phrases  which  were  mingled 
with    allusions    to   a    '  great  name '  and  the  policy  and 
institutions  of  a  'great  ancestor.' 

Nothing  proved  more  fully  the  conciliatory  character 
of  the  Assembly  as  a  body  than  the  manner  in  which, 
though  its  members  were  justly  jealous  of  Imperial 
banquets  and  Imperial  progresses  among  the  troops  and 
through  the  provinces,  they  abstained  from  cutting  short 


THE    COUP  DETAT  129 

those  extravagances  by  refusing  the  supplies  expended 
in  paying  for  them.  The  Assembly  made  allowance 
for  the  hereditary  vanity  of  the  President  ;  and  deemed 
it  the  wisest  policy  to  allow  the  period  of  his  rule 
as  limited  by  the  Constitution  to  elapse  without  insisting 
on  a  rigid  adherence  to  justice  and  public  honesty. 

The  Constitution  had  contemplated,  on  the  principle 
of  economy,  a  President  without  a  Court.  It  had  pro- 
vided that  '  he  should  be  lodged  at  the  public  expense, 
and  that  he  should  receive  a  stipend  of  600,000  francs 
(24,000/.)  per  annum.'  This  sum  the  Assembly  with  a 
certain  liberality  consented  to  double  by  an  additional 
vote  under  the  pretext  of  '  expenses  of  display,'  with 
150,000  francs  extra  for  charities,  &c.  ;  making  the 
President's  total  official  income  about  1,625,000  francs 
in  addition  to  the  expenses  of  his  palace,  being  above  a 
million  francs  more  than  the  sum  specified  in  the  Con- 
stitution. But  even  this  amount  proved  insufficient  for 
the  Prince's  occasions,  surrounded  as  he  was  by  an 
entourage  of  courtiers  and  maintaining  a  semi-Imperial 
luxury — to  say  nothing  of  roast  fowls  and  champagne  to 
20,000  men  at  St.  Maur  and  to  30,000  more  a  week 
later  at  Satory.  Previous  to  those  expenditures  the 
President  had  asked  through  his  Ministers  for  a  large 
supplementary  addition  to  these  sums — indeed,  for  no 
less  than  1,400,000  francs.  The  Assembly  with  some 
reluctance  voted  this  extraordinary  allowance  also,  chief!} 
at  the  persuasion  of  General  Changarnier.  But  when 
after  the  reviews  of  St.  Maur  and  Satory  the  President 
in  February  1851  made  yet  another  demand  for 
1,800,000  francs,  and  intimated  that  he  expected  his 
annual  income  should  be  fixed  at  3,425,000  francs  (about 

K 


130  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

140,000/.),  being  about  five  times  the  amount  specified 
in  the  Constitution,  in  spite  of  the  eloquent  protest  of 
M.  de  Montalembert  the  Assembly  refused  the  credit  by 
a  majority  of  102.  Indiscreet  friends  of  the  President 
proposed  a  national  subscription  to  furnish  the  moneys 
which  the  Assembly  had  declined  to  grant ;  but  the 
Prince,  to  do  him  justice,  promptly  suppressed  this  pro- 
ject. His  reply  to  the  defeat  of  his  Minister  of  Finance, 
according  to  Mr.  Jerrold,  was  the  reduction  of  his  estab- 
lishment and  the  sale  of  some  of  his  horses  and 
carriages. 

Louis  Napoleon,  it  must  be  owned,  was  profuse  rather 
than  avaricious.  His  hand  was  ever  open,  however 
unworthy  was  the  suppliant.  He  sincerely  loved  France 
and  was  zealous  for  her  welfare.  In  his  message  to  the 
Assembly  in  the  session  of  1850  he  dwelt  on  plans 
prepared  for  the  completion  of  the  main  lines  of  rail- 
way, for  the  construction  of  canals  and  highroads,  and 
the  improvement  of  rivers.  Attention  had  been  given 
to  the  introduction  of  agricultural  machinery,  the  im- 
provements in  breeds  of  cattle  and  horses,  the  applica- 
tion of  scientific  farming  and  cultivation,  and  the  estab- 
lishment of  model  farms.  Other  measures  affecting  the 
development  of  arts,  manufacture,  and  industry  were 
in  progress.  The  President  was  already  projecting  the 
embellishments  and  drainage  of  the  capital.  The  pro- 
longation of  the  Rue  de  Rivoli  and  the  demolition  of 
the  old  stalls  and  tenements  which  had  long  disfigured 
the  Place  du  Carrousel  were  voted  ;  but  the  completion 
of  the  Louvre  had  to  be  temporarily  postponed,  although 
the  measure  would  have  given  work  to  the  unemployed. 

In  the  same  message  the  Prince  referred  significantly 


THE    COUP  D'ETAT  131 

to  the  future.  'If,'  said  he,  '  you  decide  in  favour  of  a 
revision  of  the  Constitution,  a  Constituent  Assembly  will 
recast  our  fundamental  laws  and  will  regulate  the  future 
of  the  Executive  power.  If  you  do  not,  the  people  in 
1852  will  give  expression  to  its  will.  Rest  assured  that 
what  preoccupies  me  is  not  who  will  govern  France  in 
1852,  but  how  so  to  employ  the  time  at  my  command 
that  the  transition  be  effected  without  disturbance.' 
When  the  Legislative  Assembly  on  May  25,  1851, 
entered  on  its  final  year  of  existence,  the  two  burning 
questions  were  the  revision  of  the  Constitution  and  the 
prolongation  of  the  President's  tenure  of  office.  The 
question  of  the  revision  was  lost  by  a  considerable 
majority.  But  the  vital  portion  of  the  Presidential 
message  of  Nov.  6  was  that  in  reference  to  the  re- 
storation  of  universal  suffrage,  upon  which  the  Prince 
had  now  fixed  his  hopes  of  re-election.  This  measure, 
however,  like  that  of  the  revision,  was  lost  ;  and  with  it 
the  last  hope  of  an  accommodation  between  the  Pre- 
sident and  the  Assembly. 

The  President  had  displayed  firmness  in  the  crisis  of 
January,  1851,  by  boldly  dismissing  General  Changarnier 
from  the  command  of  the  army.  On  Oct.  26  was 
announced  the  formation  of  a  new  Ministry,  the  most 
important  members  of  which  were  General  Saint-Arnaud 
the  hero  of  the  recent  campaign  against  the  Kabyles, 
who  was  appointed  Minister  of  War;  and  M.  de  Maupas, 
recently  a  provincial  Prefect  and  now  holding  the  office 
of  Prefect  of  Police.  Colonel  Fleury  it  was  who 
answered  for  Saint-Arnaud's  entire  devotion  to  the  cause 
of  the  President  and  whose  mission  it  had  been  to  bring 

him  from  Algeria  to  a  higher  sphere  in  Paris.     General 

k  2 


i32  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Magnan  during  the  Coup  d'  lit  at  was  Saint-Arnaud's 
second  in  command.  He  had  not  cared  to  be  informed 
as  to  the  events  in  which  he  was  to  participate  ;  he  chose 
to  remain  the  soldier  who  simply  obeyed  his  chief  and 
confined  himself  to  his  military  role.  The  other  African 
generals  who  came  to  command  divisions  in  the  army 
of  Paris  were  for  the  most  part  soldiers  of  whom  the 
country  had  reason  to  be  proud,  and  who  were  later  to 
add  to  the  glory  of  France  in  the  Crimea  and  in  Italy. 
De  Maupas  was  something  of  a  busybody  and  his  self- 
complacency  was  amusing ;  but  he  was  a  loyal  and 
devoted  creature  of  the  Prince-President,  knew  his  duty 
as  assigned  to  him,  and  carried  it  out  with  a  characteristic 
thoroughness,  and,  it  may  be  added,  with  a  characteristic 
fussiness. 

To  the  officers  of  the  regiments  newly  arrived  in 
Paris,  who  were  received  on  Nov.  9  by  the  Prince- 
President  in  the  Elysee,  he  thus  spoke  :  '  In  receiving 
the  officers  of  the  various  regiments  who  succeed  each 
other  in  the  Paris  garrison,  I  congratulate  myself  that  I 
ee  them  animated  by  the  military  spirit  which  was  once 
our  glory  and  which  to-day  provides  our  security.  Your 
duties  you  have  ever  discharged  with  honour,  whether 
on  African  or  on  French  soil,  and  you  have  always 
amidst  trials  preserved  discipline  intact.  I  trust  that 
those  trials  will  not  recur  ;  but  should  grave  circumstances 
ever  bring  their  return  and  compel  me  to  appeal  to  your 
devotion,  it  would  not  fail  me  I  am  sure,  because  you  know 
that  I  would  not  ask  you  to  do  aught  incompatible  with 
my  rights,  with  the  honour  of  a  soldier,  with  the  welfare 
of  the  country  ;  because  I  have  placed  at  your  head  men 
who  possess  all  my  confidence  and  deserve  yours  ;  and 


>^: 


iS-*****"*^ 


/r* 


-  ^fSsn=SStf 


GENERAL   CHANGARNIER,    COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF    OF    THE    NATIONAL    GUARDS 
AND    DEPUTY    FOR    THE    DEPARTMENT   OF    THE   SEINE 


THE    COUP   DETAT  133 

because,  if  ever  the  hour  of  danger  should  strike,  I 
should  not  do  as  did  the  Governments  which  preceded 
me  and  say  to  you  "  Go  !  I  will  follow  you  "  ;  but  "  I  go  ! 
follow  me."  ' 

The  Prince  was  addicted  to  procrastination. 
Nov.  20  was  the  first  chosen  date  for  the  Coup  dlitat  ; 
then  he  preferred  the  25th  ;  then  again  he  was  for 
the  28th  ;  presently  he  asked  for  a  fresh  delay  and  pro- 
posed Dec.  2  ;  and  finally  he  proposed  to  alter  that 
day  for  one  in  the  next  week  but  one.  Dec.  2 
was  finally  fixed  on,  and  only  just  not  too  late.  '  The 
question  is,'  said  Changarnier  to  Odilon  Barrot,  '  which 
of  us  two,  Louis  Napoleon  or  myself,  will  take  the 
initiative.'  When  Odilon  Barrot  asked  him  bluntly 
whether  he  was  in  a  position  to  arrest  the  President, 
Changarnier  replied  that  whenever  he  received  an  order 
to  do  so,  he  would  put  him  in  a  panier  a  saladc  and 
drive  him  to  Vincennes  without  more  ado. 

On  the  evening  of  Dec.  1,  1851,  the  Prince- 
President  held  his  customary  reception  in  the  Elysee, 
at  which  were  present  a  throng  of  officers,  Deputies, 
diplomates,  and  distinguished  foreigners.  Hostile 
Deputies  who  were  on  the  watch  went  away  in  the 
conviction  that  nothing  extraordinary  was  in  the 
immediate  future.  About  nine  the  Prince  went  into  his 
private  room  for  a  short  time,  remarking  to  his  secretary 
that  '  nobody  had  the  least  suspicion  '  ;  and  he  went  care- 
fully over  the  proclamations  which  he  had  prepared,  and 
which  in  a  few  hours  were  to  be  posted  on  the  walls  of 
Paris.  Then,  returning  to  his  guests,  he  made  a  leisurely 
tour  of  the  suite  of  apartments,  conversing  with  groups 
of  ladies  and  exchanging  a  passing  word  with  a  General  or 


i34  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Ambassador.  At  ten  o'clock,  as  usual,  he  retired  to  his 
private  room,  remarking  cheerfully  to  his  secretary,  '  Do 
you  know  what  is  being  said  in  the  salons  ?  There  is  a 
general  talk  of  an  imminent  Coup  dlitat,  but  it  is  not  ours ; 
it  is  a  Coup  d Iitat  which  the  Assembly  is  preparing 
against  me  ! '  Presently  Persigny  entered,  soon  followed 
by  the  other  three  members  of  the  intimate  Cabinet — 
de  Maupas,  Prefect  of  Police ;  de  Morny,  Minister  of 
the  Interior;  and  Saint-Arnaud,  Minister  of  War.  The 
proclamations  which  in  a  few  hours  were  to  alter  the 
destinies  of  France  were  carefully  re-read  and  finally 
settled.  Saint-Arnaud  and  de  Maupas  recapitulated  the 
measures  each  had  to  carry  into  effect,  and  expressed 
their  confidence  that  no  hitch  would  be  allowed  to  occur. 
Then  the  Prince  bade  his  friends  good-night  and  retired 
to  his  bedroom.  Morny  went  to  play  whist  at  the 
Jockey  Club  until  he  should  come  on  duty  at  the 
Ministry  of  the  Interior  at  seven  on  the  following 
morning,  by  which  time  such  difficulties  as  Saint-Arnaud 
and  de  Maupas  might  encounter  would  have  been 
surmounted.  Saint-Arnaud  went  to  instruct  General 
Magnan  regarding  the  duties  assigned  to  him  ;  he 
carefully  detailed  the  military  strength  at  the  disposal  of 
the  latter  to  meet  the  contingency  of  a  possible  conflict 
on  the  morrow  ;  and  in  concert  with  Magnan,  on  whom 
he  could  implicitly  rely,  he  took  every  precaution  as  if 
in  an  enemy's  country.  Colonel  Espinasse  was  directed 
to  surround  the  Assembly  with  a  military  cordon. 

When  de  Maupas  left  the  Elysee  he  was  accom- 
panied by  Colonel  Beville,  who  was  entrusted  with  the 
proclamations  for  the  printers  of  the  Imprimerie 
Nationale.     A  company  of  Mobile  gendarmerie  entered 


M.    DE    MAUPAS,    PREFECT   OF    POL] 


THE    COUP  D'ETAT  135 

the  printing  establishment  along  with  the  Colonel, 
sentries  were  posted  at  doors  and  windows,  and  the 
strictest  orders  were  given  to  prevent  all  communication 
with  the  outside.  The  work  was  performed  with 
expedition,  and  at  the  appointed  hour  the  printed  pro- 
clamations of  the  President,  the  Minister  of  War,  and 
the  Prefect  of  Police  were  in  the  hands  of  M.  de  Maupas 
for  distribution  among  his  men,  for  whom  conveyances 
were  waiting ;  and  they  started  for  every  quarter  of 
Paris  and  the  suburban  communes.  At  half-past  seven 
the  work  of  placarding  was  finished  in  Paris,  between 
eight  and  half-past  in  the  outskirts. 

A  grave  responsibility  rested  on  de  Maupas — nothing 
less  than  the  success  or  failure  of  the  Coup  d Etat.  If  a 
single  arrest  should  fail  the  alarm  might  be  given  and 
would  spread.  But  de  Maupas  was  equal  to  the  occasion. 
Every  arrest  was  to  be  personally  directed  by  a  com- 
missary of  police.  He  had  chosen  from  among  his 
subordinates  for  the  most  important  missions  the  men 
whom  he  judged  to  be  the  most  energetic  and  most 
devoted.  The  selected  functionaries  received  at  two 
o'clock  in  the  morning  instructions  to  present  themselves 
at  the  Prefecture  of  Police  at  a  given  moment  and  within 
short  intervals,  between  three  and  half-past  four  a.m.  On 
arrival  they  were  absolutely  isolated  one  from  the 
other.  Each  was  introduced  into  the  Prefect's  room  by 
himself,  and  received  every  detail  of  his  instructions  from 
him  alone.  To  each  commissary  the  astute  de  Maupas 
confined  himself  to  an  announcement  of  the  arrest  with 
which  he  was  entrusted,  leaving  him  in  ignorance  that 
he  was  participating  in  a  collective  measure.  No  doubt, 
nevertheless,   intelligent    as    they    all    were,    those    men 


136  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

understood  that  they  were  co-operating  in  the  long- 
spoken-of  Coup  d Iitat.  'To  each,'  in  de  Maupas's 
words,  '  I  recalled  in  brief  terms  what  his  duty  required 
of  him,  the  perils  courage  and  energy  can  brave  when 
the  soul  is  inspired  ;  I  enjoined  each  one  to  shrink  from 
no  measure  in  the  execution  of  his  mission,  but  above  all 
to  protect  and  to  respect,  at  the  risk  of  his  own  life, 
those  men  whom  he  was  detailed  to  arrest.  Every  few 
minutes,  and  without  as  yet  communicating  with  any  of 
his  colleagues,  a  commissary  left  my  room  and  repaired 
to  an  indicated  spot,  where  he  found  the  staff  necessary 
to  an  arrest  which  had  to  be  made  under  such  conditions 
that  failure  was  almost  impossible.' 

The  prison  of  Mazas  was  chosen  as  the  place  of  con- 
finement for  the  State  prisoners.  To  the  Governor  of 
Mazas  was  appointed  a  commissioner  in  extraordinary  of 
superior  rank  in  the  person  of  Colonel  Thierion,  a  man 
of  approved  energy,  tact,  and  devotion.  The  persons 
who  were  to  be  arrested  by  the  police  were  of  different 
categories  ;  members  of  the  Assembly  more  or  less 
implicated  in  a  counter-plot,  the  heads  of  the  secret 
societies,  and  the  noted  commanders  of  barricades.  For 
the  last  fortnight  they  had  all  been  watched  and  had 
never  been  lost  sight  of  by  invisible  agents.  The  total 
number  of  persons  to  be  arrested  amounted  to  seventy- 
eight,  among  whom  were  eighteen  members  of  the 
Assembly  and  sixty  heads  of  secret  societies  and  of 
barricades.  It  had  been  arranged  by  the  Prefect  of 
Police  and  the  Minister  of  War  that  the  several  arrests 
should  be  made  a  quarter  of  an  hour  before  the  arrival  of 
the  troops  at  their  respective  destinations.  The  arrests 
were  to  take  place  simultaneously  at  a  quarter-past  six, 


GENERAL    DE    LA   MORICIERE,  MINISTER   OF   WAR   AND   DEPUTY    FOR   SARTHE 


THE    COUP  D'ETAT  137 

and  the  agents  were  ordered  to  be  at  the  doors  of  the 
persons  specified  at  five  minutes  after  six.  Everything 
was  effected  with  astonishing  punctuality,  and  no  arrest 
occupied  a  longer  time  than  twenty  minutes.  Some  of 
the  details  of  those  arrests  presented  traits  so  character- 
istic as  to  be  worth  narrating.  Some  had  resisted  ; 
some  had  made  solemn  protests  ;  and  some  had  frankly 
acknowledged  that  they  had  been  outwitted. 

The  commissary  detailed  to  arrest  General  Chan- 
garnier  found  a  difficulty  in  obtaining  entrance  ;  but  his 
assistant  got  into  the  courtyard  by  passing  through  an 
immediately  adjacent  grocer's  shop  and  so  opening  the 
door  to  his  principal.  The  General  was  found  in  his 
shirt  in  the  doorway  of  his  room,  with  a  pistol  in  each 
hand  ;  but  he  surrendered  immediately,  only  saying,  '  I 
expected  the  Coup  cflitat,  and  now  here  it  is.'  He  was 
promptly  carried  to  Mazas.  The  commissaries  entrusted 
with  the  task  of  arresting  the  two  quaestors  residing  in 
the  Palace  of  the  Assembly,  M.  Baze  and  General  Le 
Flo,  found  the  latter  sound  asleep ;  but  he  hurriedly 
dressed  while  vehemently  protesting  against  his  arrest. 
He  attempted  to  bully  the  commissary  and  threatened 
to  have  him  shot ;  then  he  poured  abuse  on  the  Prince- 
President,  General  Saint-Arnaud,  and  the  Prefect  of 
Police  ;  and  it  was  only  after  some  lively  resistance  that 
he  consented  to  leave  his  apartment.  M.  Baze  showed 
still  greater  irritation  and  was  even  more  violent  than 
General  Le  Flo.  He  resorted  to  every  means  of  resist- 
ance, refused  to  dress  himself,  and  had  to  be  carried 
almost  by  force  to  the  carriage  waiting  for  him.  The 
arrests  of  Generals  de  Lamoriciere,  of  Bedeau,  and  of 
Colonel  Charras  gave  rise  to  incidents  similar  to  those 


138  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

in  the   case   of   M.  Baze — the  same  fruitless   resistance 
and  the  same  abortive  attempts  to  address   the  troops 
on  the  way  to    Mazas.     General    Cavaignac  was  more 
guarded  in  the  expression   of  his   anger,  and  remained 
very    dignified.      M.  Thiers  was  seized   with   a  genuine 
terror  when  informed  that  he  was  arrested.      He  became 
quite   incoherent — '  He    did    not   want    to    die,   did   not 
conspire,  for  the  future  he   would  abstain  from  politics 
and  would  retire  abroad.'     On  discovering  that  his  life 
was  not   in  danger    the    illustrious  orator,  sitting  down 
on    his  bed,   proceeded   to    harangue  the  commissaries. 
When  requested  to  rise  and  dress  he  responded  by  a 
very  unceremonious  act,  from  which  it  would  have  been 
more  decent  to  refrain.     Then,  still  undressed   he  pro- 
duced a  brace  of  pistols,  remarking  to  the  commissary, 
'  I    might    blow    your    brains    out  ;    I  am   armed  ;    and 
would   have    every  justification  for   treating   you   as    a 
malefactor.'     The  commissary  quietly  remarked  that  he, 
too,  could  shoot,  and  at  the  instance  of  M.   Thiers  that 
topic  of  remark  was   not  continued.     When   at  length 
dressed  and  in  the  carriage,  terror  once  again  assailed 
M.  Thiers.      '  You  are  going  to  have  me  shot,'  he  ex- 
claimed— '  I  see  clearly  that  I  am  being  led  to  execution.' 
Reassured    on    that   point,  he    then   tried  to    bribe    the 
commissary  into  letting  him  escape  by  promise  of  a  large 
reward.       At    Mazas    M.   Thiers    fell    into    a    state   of 
complete  prostration  ;  his  strength  wholly  forsook  him. 
M.  Lagrange,    who   had    come    home    in    the    morning 
thoroughly  inebriated,  indulged  in  the  most  violent  im- 
precations.     M.  Cholat,  powerless  at  first  in  the  dread 
of  being  shot,  regained  fictitious  courage  by  drinking  a 
quantity  of  absinthe.     The  arrests  of  the  various  other 


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I     CAVAIGNAC,    PRESIDENT   OF   THE   COUNCIL   AND   CHIEF   or   THE 


EXECUTIVE 


M.    THIERS,    DEP 


UTY   FOR   THE   DEPARTMENT   OF   SEINE    INFEPIEURE,   1S51 


THE    COUP  U&TAT  139 

representatives  were  not  marked  by  any  incident  worthy 
of  notice.  When  the  arrested  persons  found  themselves 
congregated  in  Mazas  there  were  many  greetings  of 
recognition ;  bitter  smiles  and  as  bitter  words  were 
exchanged.  'See  how  he  treats  us,'  said  General 
Changarnier  to  General  Cavaignac.  '  Well,  he  makes  a 
mistake,  because  he  would  certainly  have  been  re-elected 
next  May,  but  now  .  .  .  By  half-past  eight  the  last 
of  the  arrests  were  over.  No  attempts  had  been  made 
to  escape  ;  nor  were  there  any  attempts  at  rescue  from 
outside.  De  Maupas's  instructions  had  been  carried  out 
to  the  letter.  No  precautions  had  been  neglected  to 
secure  the  guardianship  of  his  prisoners  against  any 
attempt  on  the  part  of  foes  and  friends ;  and  every 
possible  measure  had  been  taken  to  soften  the  severities 
inseparable  from  the  situation.  General  Changarnier 
sent  the  following  note  to  his  sister :  '  Set  your  mind 
at  rest ;  I  am  treated  with  the  greatest  consideration. 
M.  de  Maupas  treats  me  like  a  gentleman.' 

On  the  3rd  Generals  Bedeau,  Eugene  Cavaignac, 
Changarnier,  Lamoriciere,  and  Le  Flo,  Colonel  Charras, 
and  MM.  Royer  and  Baze  were  despatched  by  General 
Saint-Arnaud  to  the  fortress  of  Ham,  where  they  were 
treated  with  great  leniency,  had  access  to  their  families, 
and  within  a  month  were  set  at  liberty.  M.  Thiers 
after  a  few  days  at  Mazas  where  he  was  treated  with 
great  consideration,  was  conducted  beyond  the  Rhine 
frontier  and  set  at  liberty.  The  representatives  who 
had  been  sent  to  Mont  Valerien  and  Vincennes  were 
liberated  within  a  few  days,  many  within  a  few  hours,  of 
their  arrest. 

Early  on  the  morning  of  the   2nd   Persigny  arrived 


140  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

at  the  Elysee  with  his  report  of  the  nocturnal  pro- 
ceedings. The  Prince  presently  appeared,  calm  and 
cool  as  was  his  wont.  De  Morny  was  at  the  Ministry 
of  the  Interior,  telegraphing  assiduously  to  the  pro- 
vinces. Saint-Arnaud  was  at  work  at  the  War  Ministry. 
General  Magnan  had  occupied  all  points  with  bodies  of 
troops.  De  Maupas  had  sent  out  his  emissaries  far  and 
wide,  tracking  insurrectionists  and  rioters.  Changarnier's 
counterplot  had  been  foiled  utterly  by  the  arrest  of  him- 
self and  that  of  his  principal  accomplices.  Among  the 
earliest  visitors  to  the  Elysee  were  the  Princess  Mathilde, 
King  Jerome,  and  Marshal  Exelmans.  At  nine  o'clock 
the  Prince  mounted  his  horse,  and  as  he  rode  out  from 
the  courtyard  of  the  Elysee  followed  by  his  friends,  his 
staff,  and  his  mounted  escort,  handkerchiefs  fluttered 
from  every  window,  welcoming  the  cortege  as  it  de- 
ployed into  the  street.  He  rode  on  to  the  Place  de 
la  Concorde,  vociferous  adherents  scattering  copies  of 
the  proclamations  among  the  crowd.  Shouts  of  '  Vive 
NapolSon  ! '  '  Vive  V  Empereur  ! '  came  from  the  massed 
soldiery ;  and  the  excitement  was  intensified  when  the 
Prince  rode  towards  the  Tuileries  and  entered  the 
gardens  of  the  palace.  '  He  is  going  to  take  possession 
of  the  palace,'  a  workman  was  heard  to  say — '  //  a  fait 
son  coup.  Well,  all  the  better  ;  work  will  be  slack  no 
longer.'  The  Prince,  however,  was  not  going  to  the 
palace.  He  rode  into  the  Place  du  Carrousel,  where  he 
reviewed  the  regiments  of  the  line  stationed  there. 
His  reception  along  the  quays  and  boulevards  was 
diversified  ;  at  some  points  in  sombre  silence,  at  others 
with  hostile  manifestations,  at  many  with  ebullitions  of 
welcome.      He  returned  to  the  Elysee  in  good  spirits,  for 


THE    COUP  DETAT  141 

his  adventure  seemed  to  have  the  approval  of  the  masses, 
and  on  the  whole  he  considered  that  he  had  been  well 
received. 

Mr.    Kinglake  has  asserted  that  the  Prince  remained 
gloomy  and  solitary  during  those   eventful  days.     After 
his  ride  along  the  boulevards  on  the  morning  of  the  2nd, 
according  to  that  brilliant  but  bitter  writer,  the  Prince 
'  thenceforth,  for  the  most  part,  remained  close  shut  up 
in  the  Elysee.     There,  in  an  inner  room,  still  decked  in 
red  trousers,  but  with  his  back  to  the   daylight,  they  say 
he    sat    bending   over   a   fireplace  for  hours  and  hours 
together,  resting  his  elbows   on  his  knees,  and  burying 
his  face  in  his  hands.  .  .   .   What  is  better  known  is,  that 
in  general,  during  this  period  of  danger,  tidings  were  not 
suffered  to  go  to  him   straight.      It  seems  that,  either  in 
obedience  to  his  own  dismal  instinct,  or  else  because  his 
associates  had  determined  to  prevent   him  from  ruining 
them  by  his  gloom,  he  was  kept  sheltered  from  immediate 
contact  with  alarming  messengers.      It  was  thought  more 
wholesome  for  him  to  hear  what  Persigny  or  the  resolute 
Fleury  might  think  it  safe  to  tell   him,  than  to  see  with 
his  own  eyes  an  aide-de-camp  fresh  come   from    Saint- 
Arnaud  or   Magnan,  or  a  commissary  full   fraught   with 
the    sensations    which     were    shaking    the    health     of 
Maupas.'     Captain  Gronow,  who  witnessed  what  he  de- 
scribed, says,  on  the  other  hand,  that  the  Prince  during 
his    ride    through    the    streets    maintained    his    wonted 
equanimity,    and    was  not    more  grave  and   silent  than 
usual ;  that  he  never  for  an  instant  flinched  from  possible 
danger,    but    was    always    quietly   prepared   to  meet  it. 
The    Elysee,'    continues    Captain    Gronow,    'was    not 
closed  to   any  visitors    entitled    to    present  themselves. 


142  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Those  who  were  received  found  the  Prince  calm,  col- 
lected, and  urbane  ;  he  addressed  all  with  his  customary 
affability  and  kindness,  and  conversed  freely  upon  various 
topics.  He  thinks  and  weighs  before  he  speaks,  and 
what  he  says  is  concise  and  to  the  point.  His  manner 
is  certainly  quiet  and  reticent — that  of  a  grave  and 
thoughtful  man  ;  but  this  quiet  is  amply  made  up  for  by 
the  flattering  attention  which  he  gives  to  the  words  of 
all  with  whom  he  speaks.  He  listens  intelligently  to 
everything  that  is  said,  and  his  replies  and  observations 
seem  to  evince  a  wish,  not  to  express  his  own  opinion, 
but  to  learn  that  of  others.  He  never  fails  to  appreciate 
with  courtesy  the  views  and  opinions  brought  before 
him.' 

Notwithstanding  the  decree  pronouncing  the  dissolu- 
tion of  the  National  Assembly,  the  re-establishment  of 
universal  suffrage,  the  repeal  of  the  law  of  May  31,  the 
announcement  of  the  forthcoming  elections,  and  the  pro- 
clamation of  the  state  of  siege,  groups  of  members  of 
the  dissolved  Assembly  met  in  the  Palais  Bourbon  on 
the  morning  of  the  2nd,  with  the  object  of  pronouncing 
the  downfall  of  the  Prince-President.  The  Deputies 
insisted  on  seeing  their  President,  M.  Dupin,  who  for 
hours  had  recognised  the  futility  of  resistance.  When 
at  length  he  made  his  appearance,  he  wasted  no  words. 
'  It  is  evident,'  said  he,  '  that  the  Constitution  is  being- 
violated.  Right  is  with  us  ;  but  as  we  are  the  weaker 
party,  I  suggest  your  withdrawal.  I  have  the  honour  to 
bid  you  adieu '  ;  and  M.  Dupin  summarily  took  his 
departure.  A  noisy  demonstration  was  being  prepared, 
when  a  battalion  of  gendarmes  abruptly  cleared  the 
chamber.     A  later  meeting,  at  which  were  present  about 


THE    COUP  D&TAT  143 

300  Monarchist  and  Republican  Deputies,  was  held  at  the 
Mairie  of  the  10th  Arrondissement.  In  this  assemblage 
M.  Benoist  d'Azy  occupied  the  presidential  chair  and  M. 
Berryer  was  the  principal  speaker.  The  orator  addressed 
from  the  window  the  groups  of  Deputies  gathered  in  the 
outer  courtyard.  A  decree  was  unanimously  carried 
removing  Louis  Napoleon  Bonaparte  from  the  Presid- 
ency of  the  Republic,  and  declaring  that  the  Executive 
power  had  passed  by  right  into  the  hands  of  the  National 
Assembly — an  institution  which  no  longer  existed.  In 
the  midst  of  the  confusion  two  of  de  Maupas'  commis- 
saries entered  the  arena  with  soldiers  at  their  backs,  and 
summoned  the  gathering  immediately  to  disperse.  After 
a  wrangle  the  commissaries  seized  by  the  collar  the 
president  and  vice-president ;  and  when  the  repre- 
sentatives vehemently  declared  that  they  would  yield 
only  to  force  they  were  marched  arm-in-arm  by  twos, 
through  the  streets  to  the  barracks  of  the  Ouai  d'Orsay 
where  they  were  shut  up  until  later  in  the  day,  when 
they  were  driven  away  in  omnibuses  to  a  brief  incarcera- 
tion in  Forts  Valerien  and  Vincennes.  Thus  ended  the 
Parliamentary  resistance  to  the  Coup  a"  Iitat.  The  leoal 
opposition  was  yet  more  feeble.  The  High  Court  of 
Justice  dispersed  abruptly  at  the  sight  of  commissaries 
of  police  backed  by  soldiers,  leaving  behind  them  futile 
decrees  declaring  Louis  Napoleon  guilty  of  high  treason 
and  convoking  a  national  jury  to  proceed  to  judgment  on 
him. 

Paris  had  rested  perfectly  quiet  throughout  the 
critical  day  of  Dec.  2.  But  shrewd  critics  of  the 
situation  recognised  the  improbability  that  the  calm 
would  last.     The  Reds  were  not  the  men  to  refrain  from 


144  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

taking  advantage  of  an  opportunity  so  tempting.  Before 
midnight  Baudin,  Schoelcher,  Esquiros,  and  Madian  de 
Montjau,  the  chosen  leaders  of  insurrection,  were  already 
on  the  warpath.  De  Maupas  had  averted  the  ominous 
tolling  of  the  tocsin  by  the  expedient  of  cutting  the 
bell-ropes  and  guarding  the  belfries.  But  the  work 
of  barricade-building  was  begun  late  in  the  evening 
on  the  old  familiar  fighting  ground  of  the  Temple, 
and  of  the  St.  Antoine,  St.  Martin,  and  St.  Marceau 
quarters.  The  masses,  however,  were  not  forthcoming 
in  their  thousands  ;  and  the  leaders  of  anarchy  post- 
poned their  activity  until  the  early  morning  of  the  3rd. 
It  was  to  be  a  half-hearted  insurrection — a  very  feeble 
repetition  of  the  terrible  days  of  June,  1848,  when  the 
gutters  ran  with  human  blood.  Behind  the  barricades 
there  now  stood  but  a  puny  minority  of  malcontents  ; 
opposed  to  them  was  a  great  mass  of  soldiery  com- 
manded by  able  chiefs,  and  the  vast  preponderance  of 
contented  Parisians,  who  stood  for  order  and  social 
security. 

During  the  3rd  there  were  for  the  most  part  mere 
desultory  conflicts,  in  the  course  of  one  of  which  Baudin 
the  insurrectionist  was  killed.  A  great  part  of  the 
eastern  quarters  of  Paris  was  a  scene  of  riot,  but  as  yet 
no  general  movement  on  the  part  of  the  troops  was  made. 
Magnan  kept  the  gross  of  his  soldiers  in  barracks, 
holding  them  fresh  till  the  time  for  converging  and  over- 
whelming action  should  arrive.  The  two  brigades  which 
he  sent  out  to  deal  with  the  insurrectionists  of  the  Faubourgs 
St.  Antoine  and  St.  Jacques  swept  the  barricades  and 
scattered  their  defenders  ;  elsewhere  also  detachments  of 
chasseurs  prevented  barricade-building  in  and  about  the 


THE    COUP  D'ETAT  145 

Rue  du  Temple ;  but  the  day  closed  without  serious 
fighting.  Magnan's  orders  to  his  subordinate  com- 
manders for  the  4th  were  firm  and  precise  :  '  The  troops 
mostly  are  to  have  their  night's  rest ;  the  barricade- 
building  is  not  to  be  interrupted.  To-morrow  at  ten  the 
army  of  Paris  will  proceed  to  carry  the  barricades  with 
artillery.' 

During  the  forenoon  of  the  4th  Magnan  was  at  the 
Place  du  Carrousel,  while  his  army  was  steadily  con- 
verging on  the  strongholds  of  the  insurrection.  At  the 
appointed  hour  of  two  p.m.  the  Carrelet  and  Levasseur 
brigades  headed  for  the  centre  of  the  insurgent  Faubourgs. 
The  Bourgon  brigade  swept  into  position  between  the 
Portes  St.  Martin  and  St.  Denis.  Canrobert  carried 
the  great  barricades  thrown  up  in  the  Rue  Faubourg 
St.  Martin  and  adjacent  streets,  his  chasseurs  attacking 
fiercely  at  the  bayonet-point.  Dulac's  brigade  supported 
by  artillery  cleared  the  Rue  Rambuteau  and  its  vicinity  ; 
Levasseur  and  Marulaz  struck  at  the  heart  of  the 
insurrection  in  the  Rues  du  Temple,  de  Rambuteau,  and 
the  region  of  the  Rue  St.  Denis  ;  and  Courtigis,  from 
the  Faubourg  St.  Antoine,  took  the  barricades  in 
reverse  and  scattered  their  defenders  in  all  directions. 
Desultory  fighting  still  continued  about  the  Montmartre 
region,  where  Colonel  Lourmel  destroyed  five  barricades 
after  dark,  killing  forty  insurgents  in  carrying  one  of  the 
five.  There  was  no  more  actual  fighting  after  that. 
On  the  5th  Magnan  displayed  in  a  sort  of  parade  to  the 
people,  the  entire  army  of  Paris  ;  detailing  all  arms  to 
scour  the  streets  in  flying  columns  and  destroy  all 
obstacles  to  free  circulation.  Thus  ended  the  short-lived 
insurrection  following  on  the  Coup  d Iitat ;  Paris  beheld 

L 


146  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

no  longer  an  array  of  troops  in  her  streets  and  promptly 
resumed  her  business  and  her  pleasures.  The  casualties 
of  the  Coup  d1  Etat  were  never  accurately  computed. 
De  Maupas  gives  them  as  about  600  killed  and  wounded. 
But  those  figures  do  not  include  the  Jacquerie  in  the 
Provinces,  which  in  many  Departments  was  virulent, 
bloody,  and  prolonged.  Abominable  atrocities  were 
perpetrated  in  the  Jura,  Provence,  and  Languedoc, 
where  pillage  and  assassination  were  rife  for  days.  At 
Clamency  the  insurgents  had  their  will  of  the  town  for  a 
day,  and  horrible  cruelties  were  committed,  while  the 
Reds  shouted,  '  Vive  Barbes !  Death  to  the  rich ! ' 
Those  bands  of  miscreants  were  ultimately  dispersed  by 
flying  columns  of  regular  troops,  and  the  ringleaders 
of  the  insurrection  were  gradually  secured.  They  were 
dealt  with  sternly,  but  justly.  A  large  proportion  of  the 
sentences  inflicted  by  the  fixed  commissions  were 
remitted  by  commissioners  charged  with  powers  to  remit 
punishments  on  an  extensive  scale.  '  Compare,'  wrote 
M.  Cheron  de  Villiers,  '  the  results  of  those  mixed  com- 
missions with  the  condemnations  pronounced  against 
the  insurgents  of  1848,  and  the  list  of  transportations 
to  Cayenne  at  that  period — and  it  will  be  easy  to  judge 
in  which  case  moderation  was  shown.'  Well,  however 
severe  were  the  punitive  measures  carried  out  against  the 
insurgents  of  1848,  and  however  long  the  lists  of  transpor- 
tations to  Cayenne  and  elsewhere  at  that  period,  modera- 
tion was  scarcely  the  strong  enough  term  in  relation  to 
the  punishments  following  on  the  Coup  d 'Etat.  The  total 
number  of  persons  arrested  and  prosecuted  in  France 
after  that  event  amounted  to  26,642.  The  number  of 
the  convicted  reached  a  total  of  15,033.     The  de'porte's 


THE    COUP  D'ETAT  147 

to  Cayenne  numbered  239,  to  Algeria  9,536  ;  those 
sentenced  to  exile  or  expulsion  1,545,  to  imprisonment 
2,804 — making  a  total  of  14,124.  Apart  from  those 
figures,  up  to  Jan.  27,  1852  the  following  punish- 
ments on  persons  already  under  sentence  by  mixed 
commissions  were  inflicted  :  to  Cayenne,  173;  to 
Algeria,  4,042  ;  exile  or  expulsion,  614  ;  internment, 
1,324 — a  total  of  6,153.  Persons  subjected  simply  to 
police  surveillance,  5,108. 

Yet  there  can  be  no  question  that  the  French  nation 
as  a  whole  approved  of  the  action,  stern  as  it  was,  by  which 
the  Prince-President  had  done  away  with  a  factious 
Assembly  and  had  disconcerted  the  Bourbon,  Orleanist, 
and  Socialist  factions.  Of  the  8,116,773  persons  who 
voted  on  Dec.  20,  1 85 1 ,  no  fewer  than  7,439, 2 1 6  indicated 
by  their  votes^their  approval  of  the  deeds  of  Dec.  2  ; 
and  it  was  apparent  that  the  tide  of  public  opinion  in 
regard  to  the  Coup  d Etat  set  strongly  in  its  favour 
throughout  Continental  Europe. 


L  2 


148  LIFE   OF    NAPOLEON    III 


CHAPTER   VIII 

EMPEROR    OF    THE    FRENCH 

Prince  Louis  Napoleon  emerged  from  the  Coup  d1  lit  at 
the  absolute  ruler  of  France.  From  Dec.  2,  1851 
until  March  29,  1852,  the  date  of  the  first  meeting-  of  the 
governing  bodies  which  he  called  into  existence  as  the 
elected  Chief  of  the  State,  his  position  was  that  of 
Dictator.  In  his  proclamation  of  Dec.  8,  1851,  he 
called  on  the  people  to  refrain  from  bloodshed  but  to 
make  their  will  known  at  the  ballot-boxes  on  the  20th. 
'  Our  troubles,'  said  he,  '  are  at  an  end.  Be  the  decision 
of  the  people  what  it  may,  society  is  saved.  I  was 
convinced  that  an  appeal  to  the  nation  to  put  an  end  to 
party  conflicts  would  not  put  public  tranquillity  seriously 
in  danger.  But  until  the  nation  has  spoken  I  shall 
spare  no  effort  to  put  down  factions.'  On  Dec.  31, 
M.  Billault,  president  of  the  Consultative  Commission, 
presented  himself  at  the  Elysee  as  head  of  the  Commis- 
sion, when  he  formally  informed  the  Prince-President 
that  his  election  was  acclaimed  by  seven  million  four 
hundred  and  fifty  suffrages.  In  his  reply  the  Prince 
used  the  famous  phrase,  '  Je  ndtais  sorti  de  la  Idgalitd 
que  potir  rentrerdans  le  droit.'  '  More  than  seven  million 
suffrages,'  he  added,  '  have  absolved  me,  by  justifying  an 
act  which  had  but  one  object — that  of  saving  France 


EMPEROR   OF   THE    FRENCH  149 

from  years  of  disorder  and  misery.  I  thank  you  for 
having  officially  declared  this  manifestation  to  have  been 
thoroughly  national  and  spontaneous.' 

In  the  midst  of  his  legislative  activity  and  while 
taking  every  precaution  for  the  maintenance  of  order, 
the  Prince-President  lost  not  a  day  in  putting  in  execu- 
tion measures  of  public  utility.  So  early  as  Dec.  10 
he  gave  the  concession  for  the  line  of  railway  from 
Lyons  to  Avignon,  decreed  the  immediate  construction 
of  the  Ceinture  Railway  round  Paris,  ordered  the  prompt 
renewal  of  the  interrupted  public  works  in  the  capital, 
and  issued  instructions  for  the  demolition  of  the  ugly 
structures  between  the  Tuileries  and  the  Louvre.  On 
Jan.  1,  1852  the  Prince  went  in  state  to  Notre 
Dame  to  pray,  as  he  said,  for  God's  protection  for  the 
fulfilment  of  the  duties  and  undertakings  to  which  he 
was  to  devote  himself.  '  Invested  by  France,'  so  he 
expressed  himself  solemnly,  '  with  the  right  which 
emanates  from  the  people,'  he  prayed  for  'the  power 
which  is  derived  from  God.'  On  the  same  occasion  he 
decreed  the  restoration  of  the  Imperial  Eagle  to  the 
French  flag  and  of  the  Cross  of  the  Legion  of  Honour. 
In  an  introductory  explanation  of  the  details  of  the 
Constitution  of  1852,  which  was  about  to  be  promulgated, 
the  Prince  on  Jan.  14  addressed  to  the  people  a 
synopsis  of  the  principles  which  had  weighed  with  him 
in  its  preparation,  but  of  which  only  a  mere  rdsumd  can 
be  here  given.  The  '  first  wheel  in  our  new  organisa- 
tion,' to  use  his  own  term,  was  to  be  the  Council  of 
State — the  real  Council  of  the  Government — which 
should  prepare  and  debate  laws  in  a  General  Assembly 
with  closed  doors  before  presenting  them  for  the  accept- 


i5o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

ance  of  the  Corps  Legislatif.  Of  the  two  Assemblies, 
the  Chamber  styled  the  Corps  Legislatif  was  to  vote  the 
laws  and  taxes,  be  elected  by  universal  suffrage,  and  to 
consist  of  about  two  hundred  and  sixty  members.  The 
other  Assembly,  to  be  styled  the  Senate,  was  to  be 
composed  of  '  elements  which  in  all  countries  are 
legitimate  influences — illustrious  names,  fortune,  talent, 
services  rendered  to  the  country.'  Its  character  was  to 
be  that  of  '  supreme  moderator,'  intervening  to  solve  any 
difficulty  that  might  arise  in  the  absence  of  the  Corps 
Legislatif,  or  to  define  any  point  of  the  Constitution  and 
regulate  its  operation.  '  The  Constitution  outlined  cur- 
sorily had  been  fixed,'  said  its  specious  author,  '  only  in 
places  that  could  not  be  left  doubtful.  It  had  not  closed 
in  an  iron  circle  the  destinies  of  a  freed  people.  Space 
enough  had  been  left  for  chance,  so  that  in  any  great 
crisis  there  might  be  means  of  safety  other  than  the 
disastrous  expedient  of  revolution.' 

Mr.  Jerrold  remarks  truly  that  the  power  vested  in 
Prince  Louis  Napoleon  by  the  Constitution  of  1852,  as 
formed  on  his  own  model,  was  such  as  had  scarcely  ever 
devolved  on  mortal  man.  He  was  absolute  master  of  a 
great  people  standing  in  the  van  of  modern  civilisation, 
master  of  the  foremost  nation  of  Continental  Europe, 
and  he  could  boast  that  he  was  Dictator  by  the  free 
assent  of  the  millions  whose  fate  lay  in  his  hands.  The 
political  institutions  which  he  had  called  into  existence, 
from  the  Senate  downwards,  centred  in  him  ;  all  the  public 
servants  of  France  derived  their  authority  from  him. 
For  from  the  prison  of  Ham  he  had  reached  at  length 
the  Tuileries,  and  the  eyes  of  the  civilised  world  were 
bent  intently  on  the  man  who,  after  having  surmounted 


EMPEROR   OF   THE    FRENCH 


i  si 


vicissitudes  so  strange  and  so  varied,  was  now  the 
absolute  ruler  of  a  great  nation,  and  who,  whenever  he 
chose,  might  mount  the  steps  of  an  Imperial  throne. 

One  of  the  first  cares  of  the  Prince  was  to  surround 
himself  with  as  many  men  of  high  character  and  good 
birth  as  possible.  His  anxiety  in  this  respect,  it  was  true, 
was  scarcely  evidenced  in  his  hurried  appointments  to  the 
Consultative  Commission  at  the  time  of  the  Coup  cC Etat, 
but  it  was  fairly  manifested  in  regard  to  his  nominations 
to  the  Senate  and  the  Council  of  State.  Of  the  seventy- 
two  Senators  appointed  by  him  in  January  there  were 
eighteen  generals,  three  admirals,  fourteen  ex-Ministers, 
and  five  Judges,  the  rest  being  ex-peers  of  France 
and  ex-representatives.  Ex-King  Jerome  Bonaparte, 
Marshal  of  France,  was  created  President  of  the  Senate. 
The  Council  of  State  had  for  Vice-President  M.  Baroche 
(presiding  in  the  absence  of  the  Chief  of  the  State) ;  and 
besides  the  Presidents  of  Sections  there  were  thirty-four 
Councillors  in  addition  to  forty  Masters  of  Requests  and 
thirty  Auditors.  In  those  twro  bodies  of  supporters  and 
advisers  the  Prince-President  secured  all  the  political 
wisdom,  the  administrative  experience,  and  the  personal 
devotion  which  he  could  command. 

The  famous  decree  of  Jan.  22nd,  in  virtue  of 
which  the  landed  property  of  the  House  of  Orleans  was 
to  be  confiscated  within  a  year,  was  denounced  with 
great  severity  and  brought  on  Louis  Napoleon  no  small 
odium.  But  he  was  not  destitute  of  justification  for  this 
sweeping  measure  ;  indeed,  there  was  a  precedent  which 
it  was  not  likely  that  he  should  forget.  It  was  but 
natural  that  the  Prince  should  have  regarded  as  a  matter 
of  fair  reprisals  against  Louis  Philippe  the  confiscation  or 


152  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

sale  of  their  property  in  France  which  Louis  XVIII. 
inflicted  on  the  members  of  the  Bonaparte  family  in 
January,  1816.  And  there  was  another  precedent  to  his 
hand  in  the  circumstance  that  the  head  of  the  House  of 
Orleans  had  deprived  the  elder  branch  of  his  own  family 
— his  own  flesh  and  blood — of  the  right  to  hold  property 
within  French  territory.  The  decree  of  Jan.  22 
declared  that  measures  of  realisation  and  removal  of 
property  belonging  to  the  Orleans  family  with  the 
alternative  of  confiscation  on  default,  were  needful  to 
public  order  and  for  the  public  good  ;  and  that  it  was  all 
the  more  necessary  to  take  drastic  measures  with  regard 
to  the  property  of  the  House  of  Orleans,  since  that 
property  was  computed  to  have  a  value  of  over  twelve 
millions  sterling.  The  political  influence  which  a  princely 
family  although  in  exile  yet  endowed  with  possessions  so 
vast,  could  sway,  was  in  the  nature  of  a  standing  men- 
ace to  the  assured  quietude  of  the  reigning  Sovereign  ; 
and  the  necessity  for  diminishing  so  vast  a  property,  if 
intrigue  were  not  to  be  constantly  fomented,  was  beyond 
question.  It  appeared  that  the  property  dealt  with  by 
the  decree  of  Jan.  22,  1852,  had  been  put  under  pro- 
visional sequestration  immediately  after  the  Revolu- 
tion of  1848,  when  Jules  Favre  had  proposed  that  it 
should  be  confiscated  to  the  State  since  it  had  been 
secured  to  Louis  Philippe  fraudulently,  who  had  been 
confirmed  in  the  possession  of  it  by  an  obsequious 
Parliament  and  a  servile  Ministry.  That  proposition  had 
been  negatived  on  the  counter-representations  of  M. 
Berryer  ;  and  so  late  as  Feb.  1850  M.  Fould  argued 
against  confiscation.  But  within  a  month  after  the  Coup 
cTEtat  the  decree  promulgating  the  confiscation  of  the 


EMPEROR   OF   THE    FRENCH  153 

Orleans  properties  was  issued,  it  having  been  prepared 
without  the  knowledge  of  the  Prince's  closest  friends. 
Several  of  the  most  important  Ministers  resigned  in 
token  of  their  disapprobation,  and  a  number  of  men  of 
influence  who  had  accepted  the  Government  of  the  Coup 
d' Etat — such  men,  for  instance,  as  the  Duke  Pasquier, 
M.  de  Montalembert,  several  Senators  of  note,  and  most 
of  the  new  Councillors  of  State — now  resigned  their 
functions.  M.  Dupin  sent  in  his  resignation  in  protest 
against  the  violation  of  the  rights  of  property,  and  those 
of  the  Ministers  who  retained  their  portfolios  did  their 
utmost  to  dissuade  the  Prince  from  carrying  out  the 
measure.  But  the  feeling  thus  expressed  did  not  move 
him  from  his  resolution.  He  seems,  indeed,  to  have 
considered  himself  generous  when  it  was  stated  in  the 
decree  that  the  Orleans  family  would  still  have  left  to  its 
members  some  four  millions  of  private  property,  on 
which,  as  the  decree  curtly  stated,  '  they  could  maintain 
their  rank  abroad.'  No  dissuasion  could  conquer  the 
obstinacy  of  the  Prince  in  regard  to  this  subject, 
although  his  attitude  was  almost  universally  considered  a 
great  mistake. 

The  reader,  however,  should  not  disregard  the  fact 
that  the  confiscated  property  was  wholly  devoted  to  the 
benefit  of  the  French  public.  The  property  which  would 
come  into  the  possession  of  the  State  when  realised  was 
t<  1  be  devoted  to  the  carrying-out  of  such  measures  as 
subventions  to  mutual  benefit  societies,  to  the  improve- 
ment of  artisans'  homes  in  great  cities,  to  credit  societies 
in  agricultural  districts,  and  to  other  kindred  purposes 
which  will  presently  be  detailed.  The  decrees  affecting 
the  rank  and  file  of  the  old  soldiers  of  the  Republic  and 


i56  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

that,  too,  without  subventions  from  the  State.  The 
only  advantage  obtained  by  the  Government  was  the 
extension  of  the  concessions  to  a  period  of  ninety-nine 
years,  at  the  expiration  of  which  time  they  were  to 
become  the  property  of  the  community.  Following  on 
the  outline  of  a  system  of  telegraph  wires  linking  with 
the  capital  the  principal  provincial  cities — a  scheme 
sketched  by  M.  de  Morny  in  a  clear  and  comprehensive 
report — a  decree  authorised  that  Minister  to  proceed  at 
once  to  the  construction  of  the  system  and  a  large  credit 
was  opened  for  this  purpose. 

The  financial  reforms  of  the  short  Dictatorship  were 
not  less  important  than  the  commercial  and  industrial 
activities  with  which  the  period  was  rife.  The  principal 
operation  was  the  conversion  of  the  5  per  cent.  Rentes  into 
4^  per  cents.,  with  the  equitable  condition  that  objectors 
should  be  reimbursed  at  the  rate  of  100  francs  for  every 
five  francs  of  Rentes,  provided  the  demand  were  made 
within  twenty  days  from  the  date  of  the  decree.  The 
proof  that  this  measure  was  reasonable  was  shown  by 
the  fact  that  the  State  creditors  evinced  no  wish 
to  withdraw  their  investments,  while  the  saving  to 
the  Government  by  the  transaction  amounted  to 
720,000/.  The  last  of  the  important  financial  opera- 
tions during  the  Dictatorship  was  the  authorisation 
of  Credit  Foncier  societies  in  agricultural  loan  or 
mortgage  banks,  the  first  funds  placed  at  their  disposal 
being  a  subsidy  of  ten  million  francs  to  be  derived  from 
the  Orleans  property,  an  equal  sum  to  be  furnished  by 
the  State,  and  two  hundred  million  francs  to  be  advanced 
as  required  by  the  Bank  of  France  to  the  departmental 
branches    of  the    central    society    established    in    Paris. 


EMPEROR   OF   THE    FRENCH  157 

Finally,  the  finances  of  the  Dictatorship  as  embodied 
in  the  Budget  for  1852  showed  an  increase  for  extra- 
ordinary public  works  of  fourteen  million  francs.  And 
wonderful  to  relate,  although  the  army  estimates  were 
increased  by  a  million  francs  and  the  navy  estimates 
by  thirty-two  millions,  the  Finance  Minister  could  still 
present  a  surplus  of  about  eighteen  million  francs. 

Mr.  Jerrold  has  pointed  out  that  the  above  was  not  all 
the  work  of  the  Dictatorship,  and  he  has  referred  to  other 
salient  features  of  the  Prince-President's  policy  :  '  Sani- 
tary measures  for  the  improvement  of  the  homes  of  the 
working  poor,  regulations  for  the  prevention  of  food 
adulteration,  the  transfer  of  taxes  from  necessaries  to 
luxuries,  the  assurance  of  Christian  burial  to  the  poorest, 
increase  of  pay  and  honour  to  the  lower  ranks  of  the 
army,  railway  works  withdrawn  from  Government  patron- 
age, extended,  and  confided  to  private  enterprise,  town 
improvements  set  in  operation  all  over  the  country, 
Sunday  labour  discountenanced,  and  the  provident  habits 
of  the  people  promoted  by  a  vast  system  of  mutual  benefit 
societies,  the  National  Guard  remodelled,  and  the  educa- 
tional machinery  of  the  State  reformed  and  withdrawn 
from  party  political  influences.'  Some  of  the  measures 
of  the  Dictatorship  must,  no  doubt,  have  been  rash  and 
crude  ;  some  questionless  evinced  a  love  of  show  and 
splendour ;  some  were  bids  for  the  favour  of  the  masses 
or  for  the  favourable  disposition  of  the  army,  and  others 
deserved  to  be  condemned  as  concentrating  over-much 
power  in  the  hands  of  the  Chief  of  the  State.  But  it  is 
not  possible  to  regard  the  measures  of  the  Dictatorship 
as  a  whole  without  arriving  at  the  conviction  that  they 
were    well    meant,   full   of  consideration    for  the    public 


158  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

weal,  and  conceived  by  a  man  of  a  firm  but  of  a  kindly 
and  sympathetic  nature. 

The  term  of  the  Dictatorship  came  to  an  end  on 
March  29,  1852  ;  and  on  the  same  day  the  Chambers 
met  in  the  Hall  of  Marshals  in  the  Palace  of  the 
Tuileries.  In  this  noble  hall  there  was  nothing  of 
Republican  simplicity  or  severity.  It  was  hung  with 
crimson  hangings.  Its  galleries  were  filled  with  the 
ladies  of  the  Diplomatic  Corps  and  the  high  functionaries 
of  State ;  its  floor  was  thronged  with  diplomatists, 
Senators,  and  Deputies  in  rich  and  varied  costumes. 
The  scene  was  dominated  by  the  canopy  overhanging 
the  dais,  on  which  was  the  State  chair  of  the  Prince- 
President  ;  near  by,  on  a  lower  elevation,  was  that  of 
ex-King  Jerome,  President  of  the  Senate.  To  the 
sound  of  cannon  and  the  beating  of  drums  the  Prince 
entered  the  hall,  preceded  and  followed  by  his  staff 
and  household.  Courteously  desiring  the  company 
to  be  seated,  he  proceeded  forthwith  to  read  his 
speech  : 

'  The  Dictatorship  which  the  people  entrusted  to  me 
ceases  to-day.  Public  affairs  are  about  to  resume  their 
regular  course.  My  constant  care  has  been  to  re- 
establish order.  .  .  .  Often  discouraged,  I  admit  that  I 
have  thought  of  giving  up  a  power  so  persistently 
disputed.  I  held  on  because  I  saw  that  there  was  only 
anarchy  to  take  my  place.  .  .  .  When,  through  the 
assistance  of  a  few  men  of  courage  and  the  energetic 
attitude  of  the  army  all  those  perils  were  swept  away  in 
a  few  hours,  my  first  care  was  to  ask  the  people  for 
institutions.  Universal  suffrage  was  re-established, 
authority    was    restored.       France    having   adopted  the 


EMPEROR   OF   THE    FRENCH  159 

principal  features  of  the  Constitution  which  I  submitted 
to  her,  I  was  enabled  to  create  political  bodies,  the  in- 
fluence and  prestige  of  which  will  be  great  because  their 
functions  have  been  carefully  regulated.  .  .  .  While 
watching  me  re-establish  the  institutions  and  re-awaken 
the  memories  of  the  Empire,  people  have  repeated  again 
and  again  that  I  wished  to  reconstitute  the  Empire  itself. 
If  this  had  been  so  the  transformation  would  have  been 
accomplished  long  ago  ;  neither  the  means  nor  the  oppor- 
tunities would  have  been  wanting.  .  .  .  But  I  have 
remained  content  with  that  which  I  had.  Resolved  now, 
as  heretofore,  to  do  all  in  my  power  for  France  and 
nothing  for  myself,  I  would  accept  any  modification  of 
the  present  state  of  things  only  if  forced  by  necessity. 
...  If  parties  remain  quiet,  nothing  shall  be  changed. 
But  if  they  endeavour  to  sap  the  foundations  of  my 
Government ;  if  they  deny  the  legitimacy  of  the  result  of 
the  popular  vote  ;  if,  in  short,  they  continually  put  the 
future  of  the  country  in  jeopardy — then,  but  only  then, 
it  might  be  prudent  to  ask  the  people  for  a  new  title 
which  should  irrevocably  fix  on  my  head  the  power  with 
which  they  have  already  clothed  me.  But  let  us  not 
anticipate  difficulties  ;  let  us  preserve  the  Republic. 
Under  its  banner  I  am  anxious  to  inaugurate  once  more 
an  epoch  of  reconciliation  and  of  pardon  ;  and  I  call  on 
all  without  distinction,  who  will  frankly  co-operate  with 
me  for  the  public  good.' 

But,  as  was  inevitable,  the  Prince  was  urged  on  all 
sides  to  put  an  end  to  what  was  obviously  a  provisional 
form  of  government,  by  boldly  assuming  the  Imperial 
dignity.  Yet  he  continued  steadfastly  to  refrain  from 
taking  this  final  step  until  he  should  have  ascertained  as  a 


i6o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

certainty   that    it  was  the  desire  of  the  great  majority 

of   the   French    nation.      He    professed    that   he    would 

accept  the  Imperial  elevation  only  when  the  sovereign 

people  should  have  definitely  signified  its  united  will  that 

he  should  mount  the  throne.      Meantime  the  State  balls 

in    the    Tuileries,    the    organisation    of    a    magnificent 

hunting    establishment,   the    Prince's    name   heading  all 

public  documents  and  his  head  on  the  coinage,  the  oath 

of  personal  fidelity,  the  restoration  of  the  eagles  to  the 

standards,  and    the    selection    of  Aug.    15 — Napoleon's 

fete    day — as   the   national    holiday   of  the    year  ;  those 

were    all    so    many    circumstances    and    events    tending 

significantly  in  the  direction  of  the  Empire.      It  seemed 

that   any   day   the   Empire    might   suddenly   arrive.      It 

was  in  the  air  when,  on  May  10,   the   Prince-President 

distributed  eagles  to  an   army  of  60,000    men    on    the 

Champ    de    Mars ;  eagles    which    were    blessed   by  the 

Archbishop    of   Paris    and  handed  back  by   the  Prince 

to  the    standard-bearers  with    the    words,    '  Take    back 

these  eagles  which  so  long  led  our  fathers  to  victory, 

and  swear  to  die,   if  need  be,  in  defence  of  them.'     It 

was  in  the  air  when    the    first  celebration  of  the  Fete 

Napoleon    was    marked    by     an    amnesty    granted    to 

1,200    political    prisoners  ;    and    men    held    it   as    good 

as    accomplished    when    Thiers,    Remusat,    and    other 

prominent    politicians    who    had    been    fugitives    from 

France  were    allowed  to  re-enter   their   native  land  on 

Aug.  7. 

In  the  autumn  of  1852,  having  earlier  in  the  year 
made  a  progress  to  Strasburg,  the  Prince-President  set 
forth  on  a  journey  through  the  provinces  of  southern 
France,  in  order  to  ascertain  for  himself  the  sentiment  of 


EMPEROR   OF   THE    FRENCH  161 

the  people  on  the  subject  of  the  accession  to  the  Imperial 
throne,  which  was  recognised  by  all  about  him  as  the 
condition  precedent  to  the  consolidation  of  his  Govern- 
ment. He  had  been  suffering  from  mental  and  physical 
overstrain  ;  and  at  the  outset  of  his  tour  he  begged  the 
authorities  of  the  towns  which  he  intended  to  visit  not  to 
waste  money  on  his  reception,  desiring  that  where  large 
sums  had  been  voted  for  this  object  at  least  part  of  the 
fund  should  go  to  the  poor.  His  progress  was  one  long 
triumph.  All  along  the  route  from  Paris  to  Lyons,  from 
Lyons  to  Marseilles,  from  Marseilles  to  Bordeaux,  and 
from  Bordeaux  back  to  Paris,  his  way  lay  through  regions 
the  inhabitants  of  which  crowded  around  him  with  shouts 
of  '  Vive  Napoldon  III.  !  Vive  F  Emperetir  ! '  In  the  old 
seats  of  Socialism,  as,  for  instance,  in  Lyons,  the  work- 
men gathered  en  masse  to  greet  their  future  Emperor. 
When,  in  the  midst  of  a  vast  throng  of  spectators  in  the 
great  square  of  that  city  he  unveiled  an  equestrian 
statue  of  Napoleon  I.,  he  frankly  mentioned  that  all  the 
way  from  Paris  he  had  been  hailed  with  shouts  of 
1  Vive  r Empereur  !  ' ;  and  he  added,  '  This  greeting 
awakens  a  memory  which  goes  straight  to  my  heart, 
rather  than  a  hope  which  flatters  my  pride.'  At 
Montpellier,  a  place  in  which  Socialism  had  taken  deep 
root,  cries  of  '  Vive  Vamnistie  ! '  arose  during  a  work- 
men's fete  in  honour  of  the  Prince,  and  as  he  was  leaving 
the  sinister  cry  was  repeated.  The  Prince  was  equal 
to  the  occasion.  Facing  the  turbulent  throng  with 
untroubled  mien,  he  signed  to  the  people  to  listen.  '  I 
hear,'  said  he,  '  calls  for  an  amnesty.  An  amnesty  is 
more  in  my  heart  than  it  is  on  your  lips.  If  you  really 
desire  it.  become  worthy  of  it  by  your  good  conduct  and 

M 


162  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

patriotism.'  The  tour  culminated  at  Bordeaux  ;  and  it 
was  there,  at  a  dinner  in  his  honour  given  by  the  Chamber 
of  that  city,  that  he  at  length  announced  his  resolution  to 
accept  the  Throne.  In  the  course  of  his  speech  the 
Prince  said  :  '  I  have  conquests  to  make,  but  they  are 
conquests  of  peace.  We  have  vast  waste  territories  to 
drain  and  cultivate,  roads  to  open,  ports  to  be  deepened, 
canals  to  be  completed,  rivers  to  be  made  navigable, 
railways  to  be  connected.  .  .  .  This  is  how  I  shall 
interpret  the  Empire,  if  the  Empire  is  to  be  re-established. 
These  are  the  conquests  which  I  meditate  ;  and  you  who 
surround  me,  who  desire  the  good  of  your  country,  you 
are  my  warriors.' 

Prince    Louis    Napoleon    returned   to   Paris  a  week 
later,  in  effect  Emperor  of  the  French.     From  the  rail- 
way station  he  was  conducted  with  great  military  pomp 
and    under   triumphal    arches    to    the    Tuileries,    where 
the   municipal   and   other  official  metropolitan  and  pro- 
vincial   bodies    presented    addresses    conjuring    him    to 
accept  the    Imperial    Crown   and   so   assure  to  France 
a    secure    and    permanent    future.      On    Nov.     7    the 
Senate  pronounced  the   Imperial   dignity  re-established 
in  the  persons  of  Louis   Napoleon    Bonaparte  and  his 
heirs  male,  and  the  Constitution  of  Jan.  14,    1852,  main- 
tained in  all  its  parts  except  those  which  referred  to  the 
Chief  of  the  State.    But  this  decision  was  not  to  take  effect 
until  ratified  by  the  vote  of  the  nation  ;  the  Prince  would 
accept   only  a  sovereignty  proceeding  from    the    direct 
voice    of    the    people.       This    vote    was    obtained    on 
Nov.  21  and  22,  and  on  the   25th  the  Corps  Legislatif 
was  convoked  to  receive  and  declare  the   result  of  the 
plebiscite.     That  result  was  overwhelmingly  conclusive. 


EMPEROR   OF    THE    FRENCH  163 

'  I  am  anxious,'  said  the  Prince-President  addressing 
the  Corps  Legislatif,  '  that  you  should  formally  put  on 
record  the  freedom  with  which  the  voting  has  taken 
place,  and  the  number  of  suffrages  stated,  so  that  the 
legitimacy  of  my  position  may  be  established  beyond 
dispute.'  The  result  of  the  scrutiny  had  proved  the 
fact  that  7,824,129  Frenchmen  had  replied  'Aye'  to  the 
question  whether  or  not  the  Imperial  dignity  should  be 
re-established  in  the  person  of  Prince  Louis  Napoleon. 
The  '  Noes  '  were  253,149. 

On  the  night  of  Dec.  1  the  dignitaries  of  the 
new  Empire  went  to  St.  Cloud,  carrying  to  the  Prince 
the  Imperial  Crown.  The  imposing  ceremony  was  held 
in  the  Gallery  of  Apollo,  where,  surrounded  by  his 
household,  Louis  Napoleon  took  his  seat  on  the  throne. 
Addressed  as  '  Sire '  by  M.  Billault  on  the  part  of  the 
Corps  Legislatif  and  by  M.  Mesnard  on  that  of  the 
Senate,  the  Emperor  said  :  '  The  new  reign  which  you 
now  inaugurate  has  not  originated  in  violence,  conquest, 
or  conspiracy.  You  have  just  declared  it  the  legal  result 
of  the  suffrages  of  almost  an  entire  people,  who  have  con- 
solidated in  the  midst  of  peace  that  which  they  had  founded 
in  a  period  of  agitation.  I  am  full  of  gratitude  to  the 
nation  which  three  times  in  four  years  has  supported  me 
with  its  suffrages,  and  which  on  each  occasion  has  increased 
its  majority  to  add  to  my  power.  ...  I  assume  from  to- 
day with  the  Crown  the  name  of  Napoleon  III.,  because 
the  logic  of  the  people  in  their  acclamations  has  already 
given  it  to  me,  because  the  Senate  has  legally  proposed 
it,  and  because  the  entire  nation  has  ratified  it.' 

On  the  following  morning  the  Emperor  Napoleon  III. 
rode   from   St.    Cloud  to    the  Tuileries,   the    Palace    of 

M   2 


1 64  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

successive  French  dynasties.  The  procession  marched 
between  lines  of  soldiers  with  arms  at  the  '  present '  ;  the 
cannon  roared,  the  bells  rang  gaily,  and  the  military  bands 
played  '  Partant  pour  la  Syrie,'  the  stirring  air  composed 
by  Queen  Hortense.  The  three  marshals,  Saint-Arnaud, 
Magnan,  and  Castellane,  created  that  morning,  rode  with 
Persigny  at  the  head  of  the  brilliant  staff;  and  at  the 
entrance  of  the  ancient  Palace  the  members  of  the  House 
of  Bonaparte  waited  the  arrival  of  their  head.  What  a 
contrast  from  the  prison  to  the  Throne  of  a  great  nation  ! 
Cynics  had  sneered  at  the  man's  faith  in  his  destiny  ;  but 
thus  far  at  least  his  destiny  had  fulfilled  itself.  He  who 
had  been  the  mock  and  gibe  of  France  was  now  the 
omnipotent  master  of  that  France. 

The  proclamation  of  the  Empire  was  made  with 
stately  ceremony  on  the  Place  de  1' Hotel  de  Ville,  on  the 
Place  de  la  Concorde,  and  in  the  Court  of  the  Tuileries. 
In  the  midst  of  his  state  the  Emperor  did  not  omit  to 
mark  the  opening  of  his  reign  by  many  gracious  acts  of 
charity.  He  could  afford  to  be  charitable,  for  his  income 
was  fixed  at  a  million  sterling  per  annum.  The  settle- 
ments on  the  several  branches  of  the  Imperial  family, 
comprehending  twenty-one  persons,  were  very  munifi- 
cent. Rich  salaries  were  bestowed  on  the  dignitaries  of 
the  Imperial  household.  None  of  his  adherents  of  the 
evil  days  were  forgotten  in  this  time  of  lavish  prosperity. 
Thelin,  for  instance,  the  devoted  valet,  became  Treasurer 
of  the  Privy  Purse.  It  was  the  aspiration  of  the  Head 
of  the  State  that  the  Imperial  Court  should  reflect  the 
pride  and  full-handedness  of  the  nation,  in  contrast  with 
the  affected  simplicity  of  the  Republic  and  the  meanness 
of  the  Monarchy  of  July.     England  hastened  to  recognise 


EMPEROR   OF   THE    FRENCH  165 

the  new  Emperor  under  the  title  of  Napoleon  III.,  and 
the  other  Great  Powers  followed  with  less  warmth,  but 
promptly. 

In  his  matrimonial  enterprises  Napoleon  III.  was 
scarcely  so  successful  as  had  been  his  great  uncle. 
Immediately  after  he  became  Emperor  he  despatched 
Walewski  to  enter  into  negotiations.  A  proposal  for  the 
hand  of  Princess  Vasa,  the  present  Queen  of  Saxony, 
did  not  prosper.  Then,  on  Dec.  13,  Walewski  came  to 
England  to  ask  for  the  Princess  Adelaide  of  Hohenlohe, 
a  niece  of  Queen  Victoria,  in  marriage  for  the  Emperor. 
The  Queen  did  not  object  to  the  marriage,  but  on 
Dec.  28  came  a  letter  from  the  lady's  father  declining 
the  marriage  in  consequence  of  objections  of  religion 
and  morals.  Three  weeks  later,  on  Jan.  22,  1853,  the 
Emperor  summoned  to  the  Tuileries  deputations  of  the 
Senate,  the  Corps  Legislatif,  the  Council  of  State,  and 
the  great  dignitaries  of  the  Empire,  to  hear  an  address 
from  the  Throne  announcing  his  approaching  marriage, 
of  which  the  following  is  an  extract  :  '  When,'  said  his 
Majesty,  '  in  the  face  of  ancient  Europe,  one  is  carried 
by  the  force  of  a  new  principle  to  the  level  of  the  old 
dynasties,  it  is  not  by  affecting  an  ancient  descent  or 
endeavouring  to  push  into  the  families  of  Kings  that  one 
claims  recognition.  It  is  rather  by  remembering  one's 
origin,  by  preserving  one's  own  character,  and  by 
assuming  frankly  towards  Europe  the  position  of  a 
parvenu — a  glorious  title  when  one  rises  by  the  free  suf- 
frages of  a  great  people.  Thus,  compelled  to  part  from 
precedents,  my  marriage  becomes  but  a  private  matter. 
It  has  remained  for  me  to  choose  my  wife.  She  who  has 
become  the  object  of  my  choice  is  of  lofty  birth.      French 


166  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

in  heart,  by  education  she  has  as  a  Spaniard  the 
advantage  of  not  having  a  family  in  France  to  whom 
it  would  be  necessary  to  give  honours  and  dignities. 
Gifted  with  every  quality  of  the  heart,  she  will  be  the 
ornament  of  the  Throne  as  in  the  hour  of  danger  she 
would  be  one  of  its  most  courageous  defenders.  A  pious 
Catholic,  she  will  pray  with    me  for  the   happiness    of 

France I    come    to-day,   gentlemen,    to    say    to 

France  :  "  I  have  preferred  a  woman  whom  I  love  and 
respect  to  an  unknown  woman,  an  alliance  with  whom 
would  have  brought  advantages  mixed  with  sacrifices." 
.  .  .  Soon,  on  my  way  to  Notre  Dame,  I  shall  present 
the  Empress  to  the  people  and  the  army.  The  confid- 
ence which  they  repose  in  me  secures  their  sympathies 
towards  her  whom  I  have  chosen  ;  and  you,  gentlemen, 
when  you  have  learned  to  know  her  will  be  convinced 
that  once  again  I  have  been  inspired  by  Providence.' 

Next  day  the  'Moniteur'  announced  what  was 
already  an  open  secret,  that  the  lady  whom  the  Emperor 
had  chosen  for  his  wife  was  Mademoiselle  de  Montijo, 
Countess  of  Teba.  The  Emperor's  address  was 
universally  regarded  as  being  in  admirable  taste  and 
dignified  by  a  high  tone  of  self-respect.  '  Nothing,'  said 
'  The  Times  ' — and  it  said  well — '  could  be  better  than  the 
phrase  in  which  the  Emperor  adopts  the  position  of 
parvenu^  keeping  his  origin  clearly  before  him,  and 
emancipating  himself  from  the  traditions  of  States  in 
which  the  bases  of  society  have  not  been  destroyed  nor 
monarchical  institutions  suffered  ruin.' 

The  Emperor  watched  with  joy  the  rapid  progress 
which  his  beautiful  betrothed  made  in  the  hearts  of  his 
countrymen.       When    the    Imperial     bride   declined    to 


THE   EMPRESS   EUGENIE 
(From  the  portrait  by  Winterhalter  at  Versailles) 


EMPEROR   OF   THE    FRENCH  167 

accept  the  costly  diamond  necklace  presented  to  her  by 
the  Municipal  Council  of  the  Seine,  desiring  that  its 
value  should  be  devoted  to  charitable  purposes,  the 
kind-hearted  action  was  received  throughout  France  with 
warm  appreciation.  Her  husband's  wedding-gift  of 
250,000  francs  she  distributed  among  maternal  societies 
and  to  beds  in  the  hospitals.  On  the  evening  of 
Jan.  29  she  was  received  on  the  threshold  of  the 
Tuileries  by  the  Court  dignitaries,  who  ushered  her  into 
the  drawing-room  in  which  the  Emperor  and  his  Court 
awaited  her  coming.  Then  Napoleon  led  his  bride  to 
the  Hall  of  Marshals,  where  the  civil  ceremony  was 
performed  by  the  Minister  of  State.  When,  after  the 
signature  of  the  marriage  contract  the  wedding  party 
assembled  in  the  theatre  to  listen  to  Auber's  cantata,  the 
scene  presaged  the  splendour  that  was  to  belong  to  the 
new  rdgime.  On  the  conclusion  of  the  cantata  the 
Grand  Master  of  the  Ceremonies  conducted  her  Majesty 
back  to  the  Elysee. 

Next  morning  the  pair  set  forth  for  Notre  Dame  in 
great  pomp,  the  Empress  wearing  the  crown  which 
Napoleon  I.  had  placed  on  the  head  of  Marie  Louise. 
Before  the  high  altar  in  the  crowded  cathedral  were  the 
State  chairs  of  their  Majesties  on  a  raised  platform  under 
a  lofty  canopy.  The  procession  of  the  clergy  moved 
slowly  from  the  porch  towards  the  altar,  and  the  notes  of 
the  '  Wedding  March  '  swelled  as  the  vast  congregation 
rose ;  then  the  Emperor  appeared,  leading  his  bride 
with  the  Regent  diamond  on  her  bosom.  The  marriage 
rites  were  performed  by  the  Archbishop,  the  Bishop  of 
Nancy  presenting  the  pieces  of  gold  and  the  ring  upon  a 
gold  salver  for  the  blessing.     The  Empress  moved  from 


1 68  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

the  throne  to  the  altar,  and  after  the  benediction  she 
crossed  her  brow,  her  lips,  and  her  heart  with  her  thumb 
in  the  Spanish  fashion.  At  the  end  of  the  gorgeous 
ceremony  the  Archbishop  conducted  the  bride  and  bride- 
groom back  to  the  cathedral  porch,  and  Napoleon  and 
his  Consort  returned  along  the  quays  to  the  Tuileries. 


169 


CHAPTER    IX 

THE     CRIMEAN     WAR 

It  was  at  the  Bordeaux  dinner,  on  Nov.  9,  1852,  that 
Louis  Napoleon,  not  yet  Emperor  of  the  French,  said  : 
1  Distrustful  people  say  to  themselves  and  to  one  another 
that  the  Empire  means  war.  I  say  that  the  Empire 
means  peace.  It  means  peace,  because  France  desires 
it ;  and  when  France  is  satisfied,  the  world  is  tranquil.' 
There  had  been  a  time  when  the  pessimists  were 
permitting  themselves  to  believe  that  France  was 
becoming  isolated  in  Europe,  but  the  advent  of  Lord 
Derby  to  power  in  England  had  improved  the  relations 
of  the  two  countries,  and  the  Prince-President  found  an 
old  and  true  friend  in  Lord  Malmesbury,  who  was  now 
the  English  Foreign  Secretary.  Under  the  gloomy 
influence  of  the  brooding  Eastern  Question  England 
and  France  had  been  drawing  together  more  and  more 
closely  :  and  the  British  Court  and  Cabinet  had  fully 
accepted  the  sincerity  of  the  Emperor's  anxiety  for  the 
continuance  of  peace  and  for  a  firm  and  stable  alliance 
with  England.  On  Aug.  8,  1853,  the  Queen's  Speech 
said  :  'The  Emperor  of  the  French  has  united  with  her 
Majesty  in  earnest  endeavours  to  reconcile  differences, 
the  continuation  of  which  would  involve  Europe  in  war.' 
The    Prince    Consort    wrote    to    Stockmar   that    '  Louis 


i;o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Napoleon  wishes  for  peace,  enjoyment,  and  cheap  corn.' 
Later  he  wrote  to  the  same  correspondent  that  the 
relations  between  England  and  France  had  '  settled  into 
an  entente  cordiale  ' ;  and  in  November  he  added  that 
'  Louis  Napoleon  shows  by  far  the  greatest  statesman- 
ship, which  is  easier  for  the  individual  than  for  the 
many ;  he  is  moderate,  but  firm  :  gives  way  to  us  even 
when  his  plan  is  better  than  ours,  and  revels  in  the 
advantages  he  derives  from  the  alliance  with  us.'  This 
testimony  from  such  a  source  cannot  be  gainsaid  ;  and  it 
may  be  taken  for  certain  that  the  French  Emperor 
faithfully  co-operated  with  the  British  Government 
throughout  in  its  endeavours  to  settle  the  great  quarrel 
by  diplomatic  pressure  backed  by  a  display  of  force. 

A  Russian  force  crossed  the  Pruth  on  July  2,  1853, 
and  proceeded  to  occupy  the  Danubian  Principalities  ; 
and  on  the  3rd  the  Czar  issued  a  manifesto  to  the  effect 
that  '  it  was  not  his  intention  to  begin  war,  but  to  have 
such  security  as  would  ensure  the  restoration  of  Russian 
rights.'  This  invasion,  for  invasion  in  effect  it  was, 
might  justly  have  been  met  by  the  Sultan  with  a  counter- 
declaration  of  war,  for  which  the  Turkish  soldiers  were 
burning  with  impatience.  But  the  Western  Powers, 
anxious  for  the  maintenance  of  peace,  resorted  to  a  con- 
ference at  Vienna.  That  measure  had  no  result  and 
the  Porte  demanded  the  evacuation  of  the  Principalities 
within  fifteen  days,  with  the  alternative  of  war.  This 
summons  being  disregarded  a  state  of  nominal  war 
occurred  on  Oct.  23,  but  for  some  time  no  actual 
hostilities  took  place.  Up  to  this  period  the  Western 
Powers  were  not  involved.  It  has  often  been  said  that 
England  '  drifted '  into  the   Crimean   War.      In   a  sense 


THE    CRIMEAN    WAR  171 

this  was  true  ;  no  actual  convulsion  of  national  emotion 
stirred  us.     In  the  perspicuous  terms  of  Hamley  :   '  Our 
part   in   the  war  was  the  result    of  a   state    of  feeling 
gradually  aroused  by  observation  of  what  was  passing  in 
the   East,  and  of  the  steps  which  the   British   Govern- 
ment, with   intentions  anything  but  warlike,   had  slowly 
taken,   tending   to    commit    it    to  the  active  support  of 
Turkey.     Up  to  the  period  when  the  Western  fleets  were 
ordered    to    the    Bosphorus,    it    had    been    possible    for 
England  to  restrict  herself  to  diplomacy.'      But  she   had 
abandoned  her  attitude  of  mediator  when   Nicholas   in 
his    blind   arrogance    chose    to    show    his    hand    to    the 
British  Ambassador  in  the   following  terms  :   '  We  have 
on  our  hands  a  very  sick  man.      If  your  Government  has 
been   led  to   believe  that  Turkey  retains  any  elements 
of  existence  your  Government  must  have  received  in- 
correct information.      I  repeat  to  you  that   the   sick  man 
is  dying,  and  we  can  never  allow  such  an  event  to   take 
us  by  surprise.     We  must  come  to  some  understanding. 
...    I  can  only  say  that  if,  in  the  event  of  a  distribution 
of  the  Ottoman  succession  upon  the  fall  of  the  Empire, 
you  should  take   possession  of  Egypt,    I   shall   have   no 
objection  to  offer.      I  would  say  the  same  thing  of  Candia  ; 
that  island   might  suit  you,  and   I   do  not  know  why  it 
should    not    become  an    English  possession.'     Nicholas 
seemed  the  chronic  victim  of  illusions.     Even   when  he 
was  at  actual  war    with    Turkey  he  sent  an  autograph 
letter  to  the  Queen  expressingsurprisethat  there  should  be 
any  misunderstanding  between  her  Government  and  his 
own  in  regard  to  Turkey,  and  appealing  to  her  Majesty's 
'  good   faith  '  and  '  wisdom  '  in   the  character  of  arbiter. 
It  would  thus  seem  that  Russia  was  the  Power  which  had 


172  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

drifted  into  war,  rather  than  England  ;  this  being  owing 
to  the  false  and  narrow  views  held  by  the  Autocrat. 

When,  however,  the  Allied  Governments  despatched 
their  fleets  to  the  Bosphorus,  the  control  of  events  passed 
out  of  their  hands.  Should  Russia  disregard  the  moral 
pressure  of  the  Allied  fleets  and  resenting  their  entry 
into  the  Bosphorus  avenge  that  measure  on  the  Turks, 
the  Allies  could  no  longer  preserve  a  mediatory  attitude 
but  had  to  become  active  principals.  This  was  foreseen 
with  singular  prescience  when  her  Majesty  wrote  to 
Lord  Clarendon  :  '  We  seem  to  have  taken  on  ourselves 
in  conjunction  with  France  all  the  risks  of  an  European 
war  without  having  bound  Turkey  to  any  conditions 
with  regard  to  provoking  it.'  The  Turks,  while  keeping 
most  of  their  fleet  in  the  Bosphorus,  had  left  a  squadron 
of  light  warships  in  the  Black  Sea.  On  Nov.  30  it 
was  found  at  anchor  in  the  roadstead  of  Sinope  by  the 
Russian  admiral  Nackimoff,  who  signalled  the  Ottoman 
squadron  to  surrender.  The  superiority  of  the  Russian 
force  would  have  justified  compliance,  since  Nackimoff 
had  six  line-of-battle  ships  against  the  Turkish  flotilla  of 
seven  frigates  and  three  corvettes  ;  but  nevertheless  the 
stubborn  Ottoman  seamen  answered  the  summons  by 
opening  fire.  With  obstinate  gallantry  they  fought  on 
until  their  ships  blew  up  under  them  or  burned  to  the 
water's  edge.  When  the  sun  went  down  there  remained 
nothing  of  the  Turkish  squadron  in  the  bay  but  the 
blazing  wrecks  and  the  mangled  and  powder-scorched 
bodies  of  the  sailors.  Nearly  4,000  men  perished  ;  one 
steamer  only  escaped  to  bring  to  Constantinople  the 
tidings  of  the  awful  disaster. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  argue  that  the  Russians  were 


THE    CRIMEAN    WAR  173 

exceeding  their  rights  as  belligerents  in  order  to  prove 
the  impolicy  of  this  stroke.  The  disparity  of  force  in 
the  encounter  deprived  it  of  any  glory  ;  but  it  roused 
public  feeling  in  England,  already  by  no  means  favour- 
able to  Russia,  to  a  degree  which  could  only  be  appeased 
by  reprisals.  For  months  and  indeed  years,  the  English 
people  had  been  chafing  at  the  wrongs  inflicted  by  the 
Russians  on  the  Turks.  The  seizure  of  the  Principalities 
had  evinced  a  contempt  for  public  law  and  common 
justice  so  gross  that  the  popular  mind  could  not  but 
become  alive  to  it.  The  manifestoes  of  Nicholas, 
haughty  and  insolent  in  tone  and  matter,  had  aggravated 
the  bitter  feeling ;  and  now  the  catastrophe  of  Sinope 
was  of  a  character  thoroughly  to  exasperate  a  nation 
whose  greatest  triumphs  have  been  won  on  the  sea. 
The  French  people  had  hitherto  been  somewhat  supine, 
since  the  impending  war  was  not  popular ;  but  now  they 
were  to  be  deeply  stirred. 

It  seemed  in  the  nature  of  things  that  the  French 
Emperor  should  desire  to  engage  in  war,  at  once  to 
divert  attention  from  the  circumstances  attending  the 
origin  of  his  elevation  and  to  find  employment  for  an 
army  which  could  not  always  be  depended  on.  Both  for 
himself  and  for  his  people  it  was  distinctly  expedient 
that  he  should  make  the  influence  of  France  promptly 
and  markedly  felt.  But  that  in  allying  himself  with 
Great  Britain  on  the  Eastern  Question  the  French 
Emperor  was  seizing  an  opportunity  for  war  is  a  surmise 
in  favour  of  which  there  was  no  pronounced  evidence. 
The  advantage  was  obvious  of  ranking  himself  alongside 
of  the  great  Sea  Power  his  neighbour  on  the  other  side 
of  the  narrow  strait ;    and  he  had  lived  long  enough   in 


174  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

England  to  have  acquired  a  warm  esteem  for  British 
people,  British  institutions,  and  British  habits.  As  a 
contrast  to  the  cordiality  of  his  insular  neighbour,  which 
none  appreciated  more  than  he,  was  the  haughty 
arrogance  by  which  Nicholas  of  Russia  had  given  just 
offence  both  to  him  and  to  the  French  nation  in  refusing 
to  address  him  as  '  Mon  Frere '  ;  as  if  he,  the  elected  of 
France,  was  not  entitled  to  enter  the  brotherhood  of 
Sovereigns.  That  treatment,  which  stung  the  French 
sensibilities,  still  did  not  prevent  the  French  Emperor 
from  addressing  to  the  Russian  potentate,  as  a  final 
attempt  at  accommodation,  a  letter  suggesting  a  possible 
scheme  of  general  pacification  ;  assuring  him,  however, 
at  the  same  time  that  if  it  were  rejected  the  Western 
Powers  must  declare  war.  The  answer  of  the  Czar  was 
a  bitter  taunt.  '  Menaces,'  he  wrote,  '  will  not  induce  me 
to  recede.  My  confidence  is  in  God  ;  and  Russia  will 
prove  herself  in  1854  what  she  was  in  1812.'  This 
allusion  to  the  French  disasters  in  the  humiliating 
campaign  of  18 12  effectually  dispelled  the  apathy  of 
the  French  people.  It  was  accepted  as  a  challenge  ; 
and  when  the  insulting  terms  were  disseminated  peace 
became  impossible,  even  if  the  outrageous  conditions 
which  Nicholas  had  sent  to  Vienna  and  to  which  he 
haughtily  referred  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  had  been 
admissible.  At  the  instance  of  the  French  monarch  the 
Allied  fleets  promptly  entered  the  Black  Sea,  driving  all 
Russian  ships  into  refuge  in  the  harbour  of  Sevastopol. 
England  and  France  declared  war  against  Russia  in  the 
end  of  March.  The  Allied  troops  gradually  moved  up 
from  Gallipoli  to  Scutari  and  from  Scutari  to  Varna. 
At  the  summons  of  Austria  the  Czar  began  the  evacua- 


THE    CRIMEAN    WAR  175 

tion  of  the  Principalities,  in  which  his  arms  had  not 
prospered  ;  and  the  Pruth  was  recrossed  in  the  begin- 
ning of  August,  the  Austrian  troops  occupying  the 
territories  abandoned  by  Russia.  But  English  resolutions 
had  long  gone  further  than  the  acceptance  of  a  mere 
drawn  game.  On  the  first  declaration  of  war  the  French 
Emperor  had  sketched  and  our  Ministry  had  approved, 
a  plan  for  the  attack  of  Sevastopol.  The  feeling  was  all 
but  unanimous.  '  In  no  event,'  said  the  venerable  Lord 
Lyndhurst  in  June,  '  except  that  of  extreme  necessity, 
ought  we  to  make  peace  without  previously  destroying 
the  Russian  fleet  in  the  Black  Sea  and  laying  prostrate 
the  fortifications  by  which  it  is  defended.'  In  July  'The 
Times  '  spoke  with  decision  :  '  The  broad  policy  of  the 
war  consists  in  striking  at  the  heart  of  the  Russian  power 
in  the  East ;  and  that  heart  is  in  Sevastopol.'  And  the 
Queen  in  dealing  with  the  causes  of  the  war  wrote  :  '  It 
is  the  selfishness,  the  ambition,  and  the  want  of  principle 
of  one  man  which  has  done  it.' 

In  the  middle  of  Sept.  1854,  there  landed  on  the 
coast  of  the  Crimea  within  a  few  marches  of  Sevastopol, 
an  Allied  force  consisting,  all  told,  of  somewhat  more 
than  60,000  men  with  128  guns. 

War  once  entered  upon,  the  French  Emperor  acted 
with  prudence  and  promptitude  in  amassing  a  reserve 
force  to  meet  the  casualties  of  probable  battles  and 
certain  losses  by  disease  in  his  army  on  active  service  in 
the  field.  Unlike  England,  France  was,  as  she  still  is, 
a  military  nation  ;  and  although  the  Emperor  had  mate- 
rially reduced  the  strength  of  the  army  it  still  amounted 
to  about  600,000  men.  The  camp  at  Boulogne  which 
was  formed  as  soon  as  the  army  which   Marshal   Saint- 


176  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Arnaud  commanded  had  been  despatched  to  the  East 
proved  to  Europe,  that  without  weakening  the  garrisons 
of  the  French  frontiers  and  of  the  interior,  no  difficulty 
was  experienced  in  assembling  an  army  of  100,000  men 
between  Cherbourg,  St.  Omer,  and  Boulogne,  which 
should  yield  relays  of  reserves  to  the  field  army,  while 
instalments  of  reinforcements  should  be  forthcoming  to 
supply  the  drain  which  otherwise  would  diminish  the 
standing  strength  of  the  forces  in  the  camp.  The 
Emperor  in  one  of  his  addresses  to  the  soldiers  specified 
yet  another  raison  d'etre  for  the  camp  at  Boulogne. 
'  The  creation,'  said  he,  '  of  the  Camp  of  the  North  was 
intended  to  bring  our  troops  nearer  to  those  of  England, 
so  that  they  might  go  swiftly  whithersoever  the  honour 
of  the  two  nations  might  call  them.' 

The  Duke  of  Saxe-Coburg-Gotha,  the  elder  brother 
of  the  Prince  Consort,  had  paid  a  visit  to  the  Emperor 
in  the  spring  of  1854;  and  in  the  summer  Napoleon 
asked  the  British  Ambassador  in  Paris  whether  an  invita- 
tion to  the  Boulogne  camp  would  be  acceptable  to  the 
Prince  Consort.  The  result  was  a  cordial  letter  from 
the  Emperor  to  the  Prince.  '  Wishing,'  wrote  Napoleon, 
'  to  prove  my  determination  to  carry  out  to  the  end  the 
struggle  we  have  begun  together,  I  have  formed  a  camp 
between  Boulogne  and  St.  Omer.  I  need  not  tell  your 
Highness  how  pleased  I  should  be  to  receive  you  and 
how  happy  I  should  be  to  show  you  my  soldiers.  I  am 
convinced,  moreover,  that  personal  ties  will  contribute  to 
strengthen  the  union  so  happily  established  between 
two  great  nations.  I  beg  you  to  present  my  respectful 
homage  to  the  Queen,  and  to  receive  the  expression  of 
the  esteem  and  affection  I  have  conceived  for  you.' 


THE    CRIMEAN    WAR  177 

The  Prince's  reply  was  even  warmer  than  was  the 
Emperor's  invitation.  Napoleon  was  addressed  as  'Sire 
et  cher  Frcre?  and  the  Prince  signed  himself  '  le  bon 
Frere '  of  his  host  to  be.  The  visit  lasted  four  days.  It 
was  remarked  that  during  the  first  greetings  there  were 
tears  in  Louis  Napoleon's  eyes  while  he  expressed  to  the 
Prince  his  pleasure  at  '  this  fresh  proof  of  the  cordiality  of 
the  alliance  which  England  proffered  him.'  An  autograph 
letter  from  the  Queen  was  couched  in  terms  which 
delighted  him.  When  the  Prince  and  the  Emperor 
were  together  by  themselves  their  conversation,  as  re- 
ported to  the  Queen  by  her  husband,  was  very  frank 
and  cordial.  Napoleon  questioned  the  Prince  very 
closely  as  to  the  details  of  the  administration  of  the 
English  Government,  the  Queen's  relations  with  her 
Ministers,  and  her  supervision  of  the  whole  of  the 
diplomatic  correspondence.  He  was  astonished  when 
the  Prince  told  the  Emperor  that  every  despatch  went 
through  the  Queen's  hands  and  was  read  by  her.  He, 
it  seemed,  merely  received  extracts  made  from  the  de- 
spatches ;  and  he  appeared  to  have  little  time  or  inclina- 
tion to  read.  Napoleon  frankly  stated  that  he  did  not 
allow  his  Ministers  to  meet  or  discuss  matters  together, 
each  of  whom  transacted  business  solely  with  him.  He 
rarely  told  the  one  Minister  what  he  had  settled  with  the 
other.  In  other  words,  it  seemed,  he  was  an  absolute 
monarch — a  despot,  if,  for  the  most  part,  a  genial  and 
benign  despot.  In  regard  to  military  matters  he  was 
quite  frank  as  to  the  condition  in  which  the  outbreak  of 
the  war  found  the  French  army.  He  owned  that  France 
was  not  yet  ready  for  the  struggle.  In  his  own  words, 
'  He  had  to  refurnish  almost  his  whole  material,  but  was 

N 


178  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

going  on  satisfactorily,  and  would  be  quite  ready  next 
year.'  And  then  he  described  how  he  intended  to  keep 
up  the  camps  and  season  his  troops  for  the  field. 

According  to  the  Prince  Consort,  the  Emperor  was 
almost  the  only  individual  among  the  French  military 
men  who  had  any  real  hope  of  the  success  of  the  expedi- 
tion against  Sevastopol.  Before  the  Prince  left  Boulogne 
the  decision  was  announced  to  advance  to  the  Crimea  ; 
Saint- Arnaud  writing  of  himself,  lJe  suisplein  de  confiance 
et plein  d'ardeur'  '  On  the  whole,'  the  Prince  Consort 
wrote  to  the  Queen,  '  the  impression  which  my  stay  at 
Boulogne  left  upon  me  was  that  by  nature  the  Emperor 
would  neither  in  home  nor  in  foreign  politics  take  any 
violent  steps  ;  but  that  he  appears  in  distress  for  means 
of  governing,  and  is  obliged  to  look  about  for  them  from 
day  to  day.  Having  deprived  the  people  of  any  active 
participation  in  the  government,  and  having  reduced 
them  to  passive  spectators,  he  is  bound  to  keep  up  the 
"spectacle";  and  as  at  fireworks  whenever  a  pause 
occurs  between  the  displays,  the  public  immediately 
grows  impatient,  forgetting  that  new  preparations  re- 
quire time.  Still,'  the  Prince  continued,  '  he  appears  to 
be  the  only  man  who  has  any  hold  on  France,  relying 
on  the  "  nom  de  Naftole'on"  the  last  thing  left  to  a 
Frenchman  s  faith.' 

In  the  midst  of  war  the  Emperor  was  pursuing  his 
projects  for  the  embellishment  of  Paris,  and  especially 
for  the  first  International  Exhibition  of  Industry  in 
France  to  be  held  in  the  summer  of  1855.  About  the 
same  time  he  re-established  the  Imperial  Guard,  assigning 
to  it  a  force  of  20,000  men,  a  corps  ddlite  consisting 
of  soldiers  of  good  conduct  who  had  completed    seven 


■    1 


MAI.    UK    ST.    ARNAUDj    GENERAL-1N-CHIE]     01     rHE   FRENCH    AR\n 


THE    CRIMEAN    WAR  179 

years'  service.  On  Jan.  9,  1855,  he  addressed  detach- 
ments of  this  fine  force  on  their  departure  for  the  East, 
bidding  them  plant  their  eagles  on  the  ramparts  of 
Sevastopol.  A  levy  of  140,000  men  was  demanded  to  fill 
the  gaps  made  by  expirations  of  service  and  by  the  war. 
The  revenues  of  the  years  1852  and  1853  had  exceeded 
expectations  by  no  millions  of  francs — a  wonderful 
evidence  of  prosperity.  But  surpluses  have  an  un- 
pleasant habit  of  melting  like  snow  in  the  face  of  huge 
war-votes  and  more  huge  war-loans.  During  the  first 
year  of  the  Crimean  War  the  French  expenditure  in 
that  struggle  amounted  to  2\  milliards  of  francs,  just 
one-half  of  the  war  indemnity  exacted  from  France  by 
Germany  in  1871. 

The  year  1855,  although  it  was  to  be  among  the 
most  glorious  of  the  Second  Empire,  opened  gloomily. 
The  bitter  winter  weather  on  the  Chersonese  upland 
told  with  awful  effects  on  the  Allied  armies  lying  in 
misery  under  the  walls  of  Sevastopol.  The  delay  in  the 
reduction  of  the  great  fortress  caused  the  impatient 
Parisians  to  chafe  and  murmur.  The  Emperor  followed 
every  episode  and  every  stage  of  the  siege  with  the 
closest  attention.  In  his  slow  methodical  manner  he 
gradually  conceived  a  plan  for  the  spring  campaign  ; 
and  then  there  arose  within  him  the  resolve  to  go 
himself  to  the  Crimea,  and  take  position  at  the  head  of 
his  army.  Many  reasons  combated  the  project.  Scarcely 
yet  firm  on  the  Throne,  there  was  danger  in  prolonged 
absence  from  his  capital.  His  health  was  never  strong. 
While  weighing  the  issues,  Canrobert  sent  him  a  report 
that  the  British  army  was  sinking  gradually  under  the 
privations  which  maladministration  had  brought  upon  it. 

N  2 


180  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

He  resolved  to  despatch  large  reinforcements  to  the 
Crimea  immediately  and  he  requested  the  British 
Admiralty  to  help  him  with  ships  since  all  the  French 
ships  were  already  engaged  in  transport  service.  The 
request  was  promptly  complied  with,  and  before  the 
close  of  1854  a  French  army  was  sailing  from  a  British 
port  on  board  a  British  fleet  on  the  way  to  confront  a 
common  enemy. 

Then  the  desire  to  go  himself  to  the  Crimea  revived 
in  Louis  Napoleon.  On  Feb.  16,  1855,  his  cousin  the 
Princess  Mathilde  argued  long  but  ineffectually  against 
his  determination.  The  Empress,  on  the  other  hand, 
urged  him  to  go,  and,  indeed,  proposed  to  go  part  of 
the  way  with  him.  On  the  18th  it  was  all  but  de- 
cided that  he  was  to  go,  and  the  day  of  departure  was 
actually  fixed.  The  Council  of  Regency  in  his  absence 
was  provisionally  formed.  On  the  20th  the  Emperor 
said,  '  I  am  going  to  the  Crimea  in  the  interests  of  peace, 
which  can  only  be  secured  at  the  scene  of  action.  The 
incidents  of  the  campaign  will  bring  this  about  more  effect- 
ually than  any  diplomatic  conferences  ;  and  moreover  the 
Emperor  Nicholas  will  also  probably  come  to  the  Crimea.' 
A  week  later  Nicholas  was  a  dead  man;  and  on  the  27th  the 
journey  of  the  Emperor  to  the  Crimea  was  countermanded. 

On  Feb.  20th  Napoleon  had  written  to  Lord 
Palmerston  announcing  his  determination  to  go  to  the 
Crimea,  where  his  presence,  he  believed,  could  alone  save 
the  expedition  from  disaster.  He  detailed  his  proposed 
plan  of  campaign,  which  need  not  here  be  recapitulated. 
'  Not  only,'  he  wrote,  '  would  a  mere  General  not  be  able 
to  exert  my  influence,  but  time  would  no  longer  be  wasted 
between  Canrobert  and  Raglan  and  between  Raglan  and 


THE    CRIMEAN    WAR  181 

Omar  Pasha.'  Lord  Clarendon  crossed  the  Channel  to 
discuss  the  subject  with  the  Emperor.  Fleury  frankly 
told  the  English  statesman  that  although  the  French 
army  was  loyal  to  Napoleon  as  Emperor,  '  it  did  not  like 
to  be  commanded  by  anyone  save  a  professional  soldier, 
while  he  was  regarded  as  a  civilian.'  Lord  Clarendon 
brought  forward  argument  after  argument  against  the 
Emperor's  project ;  and  although  the  latter  did  not  at 
once  abandon  it,  the  impression  produced  by  the  English 
statesman's  reasoning  prepared  the  way  for  the  coup  de 
grace  which  the  Queen  gave  it  during  the  Windsor  visit. 
A  fortnight  later  came  a  proposal  on  the  part  of  the 
Emperor  that  he  and  the  Empress  should  pay  a  visit  to 
the  Queen.  Her  Majesty  cordially  desired  the  visit ; 
and  on  April  16  the  Imperial  guests  passed  through 
London  on  their  way  to  Windsor.  As  they  landed  at 
Dover  a  telegram  announced  to  the  Emperor  that  the 
second  bombardment  of  Sevastopol  had  opened  on  the 
9th.  All  classes  of  the  metropolis  greeted  the  august 
pair  with  cordial  enthusiasm.  He  who  had  lived  for 
years  in  London  a  powerless  exile  and  regarded  as  a 
dreamy  adventurer  was  now  the  master  of  France,  the 
honoured  ally  of  England,  the  most  powerful  antagonist 
of  Russia.  Louis  Napoleon  had  many  faults,  but  there 
was  no  snobbery  in  his  nature.  As  the  cortege  passed 
along  St.  James's  Street  he  halted  the  carriage  that  he 
might  point  out  to  the  Empress  the  modest  dwelling  in 
King  Street  in  which  he  had  lived  during  his  later  exile 
in  England.  At  Windsor  a  reception  not  less  gratifying 
but  of  a  quieter  though  not  less  cordial  character  awaited 
the  Imperial  guests,  and  the  visit  was  an  unbroken 
success.     The  Emperor  at  once  charmed  her  Majesty. 


182  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Her  diary  is  full  of  appreciation  of  her  guests.  She 
wrote  :  '  Nothing-  can  be  more  amiable  or  more  well-bred 
than  the  Emperor's  manner — so  full  of  tact.'  Of  the 
Empress  the  Queen  noted  :  '  Her  manner  is  the  most 
perfect  thing  I  have  ever  seen — so  gentle,  and  graceful, 
and  kind  ;  and  the  courtesy  so  charming,  and  so  modest 
and  retiring  withal.' 

On  April  18  a  Council  of  War  was  held  at  Windsor, 
at  which  was  present  the  Prince  Consort,  Lords  Palmer- 
ston,  Panmure,  Hardinge,  and  Cowley,  Sir  Charles 
Wood,  Sir  John  Burgoyne,  Count  Walewski,  and  the 
French  War  Minister,  Marshal  Vaillant.  All  present 
unanimously  declared  against  the  Emperor's  project  of 
going  himself  to  the  Crimea  ;  but  without  obtaining  from 
him  the  admission  that  he  was  shaken  in  his  resolution. 
On  his  return  to  Paris  the  Emperor,  however,  found  that 
while  the  Windsor  visit  had  vastly  increased  his  popularity 
in  France,  the  failure  of  the  Vienna  negotiations  had  so 
greatly  complicated  events  that  he  announced  to  the 
Queen  the  final  abandonment  of  his  intention  to  go  to 
the  Crimea.  But  his  scheme  for  the  conduct  of  the  war 
was  nevertheless  persisted  in. 

While  the  cannons  were  roaring  and  men  were  dying 
in  the  trenches  before  Sevastopol,  the  Emperor  on  May  1 5 
— the  day  before  Canrobert's  resignation  of  the  chief 
command  in  the  Crimea — was  opening  with  pomp  and 
circumstance  the  Universal  Exhibition  of  1855  ;  in 
Napoleon's  own  words,  'a  temple  of  peace  which  invites 
all  nations  to  a  gathering  of  concord.'  Twenty-five  thou- 
sand exhibitors  had  responded  to  the  Emperor's  appeal, 
and  hosts  of  visitors  from  all  parts  of  the  world  crowded 
to  Paris  during  the  summer  and  autumn.      But  below  the 


C01   NT    WALEWSKI,    MINISTER    FOR   FOREIGN     VFFAIRS   AND    PRESIDENT  OF 

THE   CONGRESS    <  >F    PARIS 


THE    CRIMEAN    WAR  183 

gaiety  and  festivities  of  this  brilliant  period  lay  the 
solicitude  incident  to  a  state  of  war  and  the  resultant 
strain.  Among  the  exigencies  were  the  calling-out  of 
140,000  conscripts  as  the  contingent  for  1856,  the  im 
position  of  further  taxation,  and  the  conjunct  guarantee 
with  England  of  a  Turkish  war-loan  of  five  millions 
sterling.  The  nation  was  loyal  and  eager,  the  Govern- 
ment asked  for  a  war-contribution  of  thirty  millions 
sterling,  and  the  subscriptions  came  pouring  in  until  the 
collective  offers  amounted  to  146,000,000/.  ! 

The  battle  of  the  Tchernaya  fought  on  Aug.  16  and 
won  so  gallantly  by  French  arms,  heralded  auspiciously 
the  visit  to  France  of  the  Queen  of  England,  accompanied 
by  her  Consort  and  their  two  elder  children.  Received 
by  the  Emperor  in  person  they  landed  at  Boulogne  on 
the  afternoon  of  Aug.  18,  under  salutes  from  the  batteries 
and  a  feu  de  joie  maintained  for  miles  along  the  edge  of 
the  cliffs,  and  later  were  escorted  to  the  railway  station  by 
cavalry.  The  Queen  has  herself  recorded  her  impressions 
of  her  '  first  sight  of  Paris  ' :  '  The  approaching  twilight 
rather  added  to  the  beauty  of  the  scene  ;  and  it  was  still 
quite  light  enough  when  we  passed  down  the  Boulevard 
de  Strasbourg  (the  Emperor's  creation)  and  along  the 
Boulevards,  by  the  Porte  St.  Denis,  the  Madeleine,  the 
Place  de  la  Concorde,  and  the  Arc  de  Triomphe.' 
Along  the  Champs  Elysees  and  through  the  Bois  de 
Boulogne  the  progress  to  St.  Cloud  was  made  in  the 
twilight ;  but  all  the  way  the  troops  kept  the  road,  bands 
playing  the  National  Anthem  at  intervals.  The  Queen 
was  delighted  with  the  splendour  and  brilliancy  of  the 
scene  ;  and  as  she  approached  the  Palace  she  remarked 
the  Zouaves  as  'splendid  troops  in  splendid  dress,  the 


1 84  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

friends  of  my  dear  Guards.'  The  Empress,  who  was  in 
expectation  of  an  heir  and  was  suffering,  met  the  Queen 
at  the  Palace.  Sunday  was  a  dies  non  ;  and  what  the 
Prince  Consort  called  the  Parisian  Campaign,  which  lasted 
during  the  week,  began  on  the  Monday  with  hours  spent 
in  the  Exhibition.  Incognito  drives  through  the  quaint 
places  of  Paris,  pilgrimages  to  the  Tuileries,  to  the 
Invalides  where  lay  the  Great  Captain,  a  visit  to  the  old 
palace  of  the  Stuarts  at  St.  Germain,  another  to  Versailles, 
and  yet  another  to  the  grand  final  ball  there,  filled  up 
a  varied  and  busy  week.  On  Monday  the  27th  the 
British  royalties  departed  for  home. 

Having  definitely  abandoned  the  intention  to  go 
himself  to  the  Crimea,  the  French  Emperor  determined, 
nevertheless,  that  the  plan  which  he  had  matured  should  be 
carried  out.  Briefly  that  plan  was  as  follows  :  the  Allies 
were  to  divide  themselves  into  three  armies.  One  army 
was  to  continue  to  guard  the  trenches  and  push  the  siege. 
A  second  army,  under  Lord  Raglan,  was  to  assemble  in 
the  valley  of  Baidur  (east  of  Balaclava),  and  to  push  its 
advanced  post  towards  Bakshisarai.  The  third,  under 
the  French  General-in-Chief,  composed  of  troops  from 
before  Sevastopol  and  the  reserve  French  army  from 
Turkey,  was  to  land  at  Alushta  on  the  south-eastern 
face  of  the  peninsula  about  abreast  of  Bakshisarai. 
This  last  army  was  to  cross  the  Tchatur-dagh  range  and 
march  on  Simpheropol.  Should  the  Russians  have  con- 
centrated there  their  chief  magazines  and  massed  troops 
for  their  defence,  Lord  Raglan  marching  on  Bakshisarai 
would  threaten  the  Russian  right  or  rear  in  combination 
with  the  other  field  army.  But  should  the  enemy 
abandon  Simpheropol  and  concentrate  in  the  vicinity  of 


\  \ru| .!-.(  >\     III.     IN    1S55 


THE    CRIMEAN    WAR  185 

Sevastopol,  the  French  army  from  Simpheropol  would 
advance  on  it  by  Bakshisarai  while  Lord  Raglan  in 
concert  would  attack  the  Mackenzie  Farm  heights.  The 
Russian  army  if  defeated,  would  be  driven  off  the  line 
of  communication  ;  the  Allies  would  sever  it ;  and 
Sevastopol,  deprived  of  supplies  and  reinforcements,  must 
speedily  surrender. 

No  doubt  to  defeat  the  Russian  field  army  and  to 
sever  the  communication  between  Sevastopol  and  the 
interior  of  Russia  would  have  speedily  caused  the  sur- 
render of  the  Russian  stronghold.  But  there  was 
another  and  a  better  alternative.  There  was  the  prob- 
ability—indeed, the  ultimate  certainty — of  capturing 
the  south  side  of  Sevastopol  on  the  plan  hitherto  pur- 
sued. The  besieging  fire  could  always  establish  a 
superiority  constantly  increasing,  over  that  of  the  place. 
The  enemy's  losses  must  continue  to  be  immensely 
more  severe  than  those  of  the  Allies.  It  was  certain, 
therefore,  that  perseverance  in  the  siege  would  finally 
result  in  crushing  the  enemy's  fire,  in  storming  his  works, 
and  in  rendering  the  south  side  untenable. 

On  this  hypothesis  Pelissier,  who  had  succeeded 
Canrobert  as  Commander-in-Chief,  resolved  energetically 
to  operate.  Pelissier  was  a  man  of  exceptionally  reso- 
lute and  determined  character.  After  deliberate  study 
of  a  difficult  problem,  he  decided  to  ignore  the  Emperor's 
project  and  to  devote  all  his  forces  to  pushing  die  siege. 
He  wasted  no  words,  having  once  taken  his  resolution. 

'  The  project,'  he  telegraphed  to  the  Minister  of 
War  in  Paris,  '  of  marching  two  armies  from  Alushta 
and  Baidur  is  full  of  difficulty  and  risk.  I  have 
arranged  with    Lord    Raglan    for    the    storming  of   the 


1 86  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

advanced  works,  for  the  occupation  of  the  Tchernaya, 
and  finally  for  an  operation  on  Kertch.  All  these 
movements  are  in  train.'  When  it  is  remembered  that 
Louis  Napoleon  was  an  absolute  Sovereign  who  could 
pull  this  truculent  general  down  just  as  he  had  chosen 
to  set  him  up,  it  must  be  owned  that  in  thus  acting  in 
direct  and  resolute  opposition  to  the  cherished  scheme 
of  his  master  Pelissier  evinced  himself  to  be  an  uncom- 
monly strong  man.  There  did  come  from  the  Emperor 
something  in  the  nature  of  a  rebuke  to  his  doggedly 
determined  subordinate.  '  I  have  confidence  in  you,'  the 
Emperor  wired,  '  and  I  don't  pretend  to  command  the 
army  from  here  ;  however,  I  must  tell  you  my  opinion 
and  you  ought  to  pay  regard  to  it.  A  great  effort  must 
be  made  to  beat  the  Russian  army  in  order  to  invest 
the  place.  If  you  send  14,000  men  to  Kertch  you 
weaken  yourself  uselessly.  .  .  .  Weigh  all  this  care- 
fully.' 

The  Emperor's  arguments  had  no  effect  on  Pelissier; 
he  went  forward  right  in  the  teeth  of  his  master.  The 
expedition  to  Kertch  was  made,  resulting  in  the  com- 
plete destruction  of  everything  that  could  aid  the 
Russian  forces  in  the  Crimea  throughout  the  shores  of 
the  Sea  of  Azov.  Pelissier  wrote  to  the  War  Minister  : 
'  We  have  struck  deep  into  the  Russian  resources  :  their 
chief  line  of  supply  is  cut.  I  did  well  to  carry  out  this 
expedition  and  I  view  with  calm  assurance  the  approach 
of  the  final  act.'  In  full  accord  with  Lord  Raglan  the 
French  Commander-in-Chief  resolutely  prosecuted  the 
siege  operations,  assailing  in  the  first  instance  the 
principal  outworks  of  the  defence,  the  White  Works, 
the     Mamelon,     and    the     'Quarries.'      The     Emperor 


THE    CRIMEAN    WAR  187 

telegraphed  :  '  In  conformity  with  the  British  Government 
which  writes  in  the  same  sense  to  Lord  Raglan,  I  give 
you  a  positive  order  not  to  devote  yourself  to  the  siege 
before  having  completed  the  investment.'  But  this 
message  was  crossed  by  the  following  telegram  from 
Pelissier  :  '  Lord  Raglan  and  I  are  settling  the  final 
dispositions  for  an  attack  by  storm  which  should  gain  us 
the  White  Works,  the  Mamelon,  and  the  "  Quarries."  I 
calculate  on  beginning  this  operation  on  the  7th  (June) 
and  on  carrying  it  right  through  with  the  utmost  vigour.' 

The  preliminary  bombardment  began  on  the  after- 
noon of  the  6th,  and  was  maintained  with  tremendous 
energy  until  late  on  the  following  afternoon,  when  the 
Mamelon  was  silenced  and  the  White  Works  were 
ruined.  The  latter  were  promptly  captured  and  were 
presently  connected  with  the  French  trenches.  After 
desperate  fighting  the  Mamelon  was  also  captured  and 
held,  and  ultimately  the  '  Quarries '  remained  in  British 
possession.  Pelissier  had  everywhere  driven  the  enemy 
from  their  outworks  of  which  he  now  had  possession  ; 
but  during  the  bombardment  and  storm  the  total  losses 
amounted  to  over  15,000  men. 

Notwithstanding  P&issier's  successes  the  Emperor 
would  not  relinquish  his  plan.  It  was  not  till  a  week 
after  the  action  of  the  6th  and  7th  that  he  telegraphed  to 
Pelissier,  saying  that  before  congratulating  him  on  his 
success  he  had  wished  to  know  the  cost.  '  I  persist,' 
he  wrote,  '  in  ordering  you  to  make  every  effort  to  take 
the  field.'  Pelissier  replied  dauntlessly  :  '  The  execution 
of  your  orders  is  impossible  ;  it  would  place  me  between 
insubordination  and  discredit.  .  .  .  I  pray  your  Majesty 
either  to  free  me  from  the  straitened  limits  imposed  on 


188  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

me,  or  to  permit  me  to  resign  a  command  impossible 
to  exercise  in  concert  with  my  loyal  allies,  at  the  end, 
sometimes  paralysing,  of  an  electric  wire.'  No 
answer  reached  him;  and  on  the  night  of  the  17th  he 
telegraphed  :  '  I  have  waited  all  day  for  an  answer  to  my 
important  despatch  of  yesterday,  but  have  received  none. 
To-morrow  at  daybreak,  in  concert  with  the  English 
I  attack  the  Redan,  the  Malakoff,  and  their  dependent 
batteries.      I  have  firm  hope.' 

That  hope  was  doomed  to  disappointment ;  the  1 8th 
was  marked  by  a  series  of  blunders  and  misfortunes  and 
the   only  gleam   of  good    fortune   was    General    Eyre's 
partial  success.     The  total   losses  of  those  two  bloody 
days,   the   17th  and   18th,  were  not  short  of  10,000,   of 
which   more    than  half  were   Russian   casualties.      Not- 
withstanding the  reverses  and  bloodshed  of  those  days 
of  gloom   Pelissier  still  held  fast  to  the  prosecution  of 
the    siege.      He  curtly    reported  :  '  From   causes  which 
cannot  now  be  discussed,  our  attack  of  to-day  has  not 
succeeded  although  part  of  our  troops   set   foot   in  the 
Malakoff.     Our  allies  not  having  attained  a  footing  in 
the  Redan  in  spite  of   their  vigour,   I   ordered  a  with- 
drawal to  the  trenches.      I  cannot  console  myself  for  the 
failure  otherwise  than    in    repairing  it  by   energy    and, 
above   all,    by   method.'     After   the   lamented  death  of 
Lord    Raglan   Pelissier  had  no  colleague  and  in  effect 
was  omnipotent  over  the  Allied  forces.     The  Emperor 
ceased     from     adverse     criticism.       On     Sept.     8     the 
obstinate  and   bloody  struggle   was   fought  out,  and  at 
length  Sevastopol  fell. 

The   Emperor    turned  gladly   to   home  affairs  ;  and 
the  closing  of  the  Paris  Exhibition  in   November  in  the 


THE    CRIMEAN    WAR  189 

presence  of  a  great  assemblage  of  soldiers,  statesmen, 
artists,  and  men  of  letters,  gave  him  an  opportunity  of 
making  his  sentiments  and  wishes  known,  not  only  to 
France  but  to  Europe.  Presently  he  was  welcoming  on 
their  return  from  the  East  bodies  of  the  Guard  and 
of  the  Line.  As  the  heroes  of  the  Crimea  re-entered 
Paris  amidst  triumphant  enthusiasm  on  Dec.  20,  the 
Emperor  accosted  his  home-coming  soldiers  in  a 
stirring  and  appropriate  address.  The  Guard  and  the 
Line,  bearing  with  them  their  wounded  and  their  shot- 
torn  standards,  marched  along  the  Boulevard  under 
triumphal  arches  and  amid  the  loud  acclamations  of  their 
fellow-citizens  ;  and  this  spectacle,  now  stirring  to  pride, 
now  to  sympathy  as  the  wounded  were  borne  by, 
closed  what  was  one  of  the  most  eventful  and  most 
brilliant  years  of  Napoleon's  reign. 

The  feeling  in  favour  of  peace  had  always  been  much 
stronger  in  France  than  in  England,  for  the  war,  save 
during  the  elation  and  excitement  of  its  victories,  was 
never  popular  with  the  French  people  ;  and  Sevastopol 
had  no  sooner  fallen  than  public  opinion  demanded 
speedy  peace  with  a  voice  which  could  not  be  dis- 
regarded. It  was  no  small  relief  to  Louis  Napoleon 
when,  on  March  30,  1856,  the  Treaty  of  Paris  was 
signed.  After  the  signature  of  peace  the  Emperor 
addressed  his  congratulations  to  the  Congress,  and 
illuminations  and  a  review  of  50,000  men  closed  the 
scene.  A  letter  from  the  Queen  congratulated  him  on 
the  peace  concluded  '  under  his  auspices  '  ;  and  he  in 
reply  expressed  his  joy  that  the  Alliance  between 
France  and  England  was  as  close  and  stable  as  when 
first  it  was  ratified. 


j9o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


CHAPTER   X 

THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF    1 859 

On  the  morning  of  March  16,  1856,  the  guns  of  the 
Invalides  informed  Paris  that  a  son  had  been  born  to  the 
Emperor.  The  infant,  for  whom  was  in  store  a  sad  but 
heroic  fate,  received  the  names  of  Napoleon  Eugene 
Louis  Jean  Joseph,  the  Pope  and  the  Queen  of  Sweden 
being  godfather  and  godmother.  Paris  wore  a  holiday- 
aspect,  and  at  noon  the  Emperor,  radiant  with  joy, 
received  the  Diplomatic  Body.  The  Pope's  legate  at  a 
solemn  service  in  the  chapel  of  the  Palace  of  St.  Cloud, 
presented  to  the  Empress  the  golden  rose  which  the 
Pope  had  sent  her.  At  length  the  dynasty  seemed  to 
be  resting  on  a  solid  foundation.  Such  clouds  as  still 
lay  on  Napoleon's  horizon  appeared  to  be  confined 
within  the  bounds  of  his  realm,  where  a  bad  harvest, 
wild  speculation,  excessive  expenditure,  and  extravagant 
public  works  threatened  commercial  disasters  of  the 
most  perilous  political  character.  Had  he  chosen  then 
to  adopt  the  methods  of  liberal  and  constitutional  govern- 
ment to  which  he  subsequently  resorted  when  too  late, 
he  would  have  spent  a  calmer  and  a  happier  life  and  his 
end  might  have  been  both  serene  and  glorious.  But 
permitting  himself  to  be  influenced  by  evil  and  selfish 
advisers,   he    engaged  in    a  course  of  political  conduct 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF    1859    191 

which  embittered  the  resentment  of  his  domestic 
enemies  and  shook  the  confidence  of  his  best  friends 
abroad. 

In  the  winter  of  1856  there  passed  through  Paris 
Prince  Frederick  William  of  Prussia  (the  late  Emperor 
Frederick  II.),  accompanied  by  his  adjutant,  Major  von 
Moltke,  whom  later  the  world  was  to  know  as  the 
greatest  strategist  of  the  age.  Of  the  French  Emperor 
the  Prussian  soldier  wrote  :  '  He  struck  me  by  a  sort 
of  immobility  of  features  and  the  almost  extinguished 
look  of  his  eyes.  The  predominating  characteristic  of 
his  face  is  a  friendly  and  good-humoured  smile,  which 
has  nothing  Napoleonic  about  it.  He  is  a  quite  simple 
and  rather  small  man  whose  always  tranquil  countenance 
gives  a  strong  impression  of  good-natured  amiability. 
"II  ne  se  fache  jamais,"  say  the  people  who  are  in  most 
frequent  intercourse  with  him.  "  II  est  toujours  poli  et 
bon  envers  nous  ;  ce  n'est  que  la  bonte  de  son  cceur  et 
sa  confiance  qui  pourront  lui  devenir  dangereux."  '  Of 
the  infant  Prince  Imperial  Moltke  remarked  that  'he 
seemed  a  strapping  little  fellow.' 

The  session  of  1857  produced  some  useful  measures. 
A  subvention  of  twelve  million  francs  was  voted  for  the 
further  embellishment  of  Paris,  and  another  of  fourteen 
millions  for  the  establishment  of  three  great  transatlantic 
lines  of  French  steamers.  The  privileges  of  the  Bank 
of  France  were  prolonged  and  extended,  and  its  capital 
was  doubled.  The  plebiscite  of  1857  proved  that  the 
popularity  of  the  Emperor  and  his  Government  was  not 
materially  impaired,  although  in  comparison  with  the 
plebiscite  of  1852  that  of  1857  showed  fewer  'Ayes' 
and  more  '  Noes.'     '  Nevertheless  this  election  did  not 


192  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

pass  off  without  menacing  manifestations.  Probably  the 
life  of  no  man  of  modern  times  was  ever  attempted  by 
the  hand  of  the  assassin  so  frequently  as  that  of  Louis 
Napoleon.  He  may  be  said  to  have  habitually  carried 
his  life  in  his  hand  ;  but  in  that  strange  faith  of  his  in  his 
1  star '  his  cool  courage  never  faltered,  save,  perhaps,  on 
one  occasion  ;  and  the  charge  of  want  of  personal  courage 
averred  against  him  has  only  brought  discredit  on  a 
bitter  enemy.  '  When,'  in  the  words  of  Lord  Cowper, 
'  we  consider  that  the  same  charge  was  brought  against 
Marlborough  and  Cromwell,  and  the  great  Napoleon 
himself,  we  may  dismiss  it  with  the  words  used  by  the 
object  of  it  when  he  read  Kinglake's  chapter — "  C'est 
indigne."  The  Emperor  was  hoping  that  the  time  was 
approaching  when  the  iron  hand  of  absolute  rule  might 
be  relaxed  as  an  act  of  favour  as  well  as  of  prudence  and 
of  safety.  But  now  the  names  of  well-known  revolu- 
tionary leaders  were  coupled  with  rumours  of  a  wide- 
spread organisation  for  the  advancement  of  the  Republican 
banner  in  the  red  hand  of  the  regicide  ;  and  Napoleon 
found  himself  the  mark  of  men  who  sought  his  life  in  the 
name  of  the  very  cause  he  had  always  had  at  heart. 

The  restlessness  of  the  French  Emperor  had  created 
by  degrees  a  very  dangerous  state  of  public  feeling  in 
Germany,  Austria,  and  England ;  and  Persigny,  then 
French  Ambassador  in  England,  went  to  Paris  to 
describe  to  the  Emperor  the  attitude  of  profound  sus- 
picion regarding  him  which  England  had  assumed  in 
consequence  of  his  disturbing  and  adventurous  foreign 
policy.  Napoleon  suggested  that  the  mutual  misappre- 
hensions would  be  best  dispelled  by  a  personal  interview 
with  the  Queen.     The  proposal  was  accepted  ;  and  the 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF    1859    193 

Emperor  and  Empress  reached  Osborne  on  Aug.  6, 
where  they  spent  three  days.  The  meeting  of  the 
Sovereigns  was  still  cordial  ;  and  the  visit,  with  the 
assistance  of  Lords  Clarendon  and  Palmerston  and 
MM.  Walewski  and  Persigny,  was  turned  to  the 
best  account,  since  it  brought  into  cordial  contact  the 
rulers  of  both  realms  and  enabled  them  to  settle  the 
question  of  the  Principalities  and  other  matters  of  im- 
portance. But  the  cordial  impressions  which  the  Osborne 
visit  had  produced  in  the  minds  of  Queen  Victoria  and 
her  Consort  were  all  but  effaced  by  the  subsequent 
excursion  made  by  them  a  few  days  later  to  inspect  the 
forts,  basins,  and  breakwater  of  Cherbourg.  '  It  makes 
me  very  unhappy  to  see  what  is  done  here,'  wrote  the 
Queen  in  her  diary,  '  and  how  well  protected  the  works 
are.'  The  Cherbourg  breakwater  was  '  treble  the  size 
of  the  Plymouth  one,'  and  8,000  men  were  at  work  upon 
it.  The  Prince  Consort  wrote  to  Stockmar,  '  Cherbourg 
is  a  gigantic  work  and  gives  one  grave  cause  for  reflec- 
tion. The  counter-defences  at  Alderney  are  childish  in 
comparison.'  The  Queen  and  her  husband  did  not  care 
to  accompany  the  Emperor  to  the  camp  of  Chalons  for 
the  opening  of  the  great  school  of  war  on  that  vast  plain 
whereon  the  Imperial  Guard  was  assembled.  The  great 
camp  of  Chalons,  together  with  the  vast  works  of 
Cherbourg  and  the  prodigious  growth  of  the  French 
armour-plated  naval  force,  served  not  unnaturally  to 
foster  that  mistrust  which,  in  spite  of  their  personal 
regard  for  the  French  Sovereign,  was  taking  hold  of  the 
minds  of  the  Queen  and  Prince.  Yet  at  the  meeting  of 
monarchs  at  Stuttgart  in  September,  1857,  the  French 
Emperor    was    found    to    be    loyally    impervious    to    all 

o 


194  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

inducements  to  a  breach  of  the  English  Alliance.  Of 
Napoleon's  conduct  at  Stuttgart  Sir  Theodore  Martin 
remarks  :  '  The  parvenu  Emperor,  thrown  for  the  first 
time  into  the  midst  of  the  royalties  of  the  "  Almanach  de 
Gotha,"  had  distinguished  himself  by  great  self-possession 
and  dignity,  bearing  himself,  as  said  a  shrewd  observer, 
"  like  a  thorough  gentleman,  holding  his  own,  and 
showing  no  eagerness  to  seize  at  the  advances  made  to 
him  which  might  well  have  turned  the  steadiest  head."  ' 

On  the  evening  of  Jan.  14,  1858,  the  Emperor 
and  Empress  were  driving  to  the  Opera  House  in  the 
Rue  Lepelletier  to  hear  the  opera  of  '  Le  Bal  de 
Gustave,'  which  culminates  in  the  assassination  of 
Gustavus  III.,  when  Felix  Orsini  and  his  accomplice 
threw  three  explosive  bombs  under  the  carriage  of  their 
Majesties.  The  Emperor  received  a  slight  wound  on 
the  nose  and  the  Empress  a  blow  on  the  eye — her  dress 
was  spotted  with  blood  from  the  wounded  surrounding  the 
carriage.  Both  Emperor  and  Empress  appeared  wonder- 
fully composed  and  courageous — she,  indeed,  rather  more 
so  than  he.  They  remained  all  through  the  performance  in 
ignorance  of  the  bloody  tragedy  enacted  outside,  where 
eight  persons  had  been  killed  and  a  hundred  and  fifty- 
six  wounded.  Orsini  was  an  Italian  revolutionist  of  the 
most  reckless  and  uncompromising  type.  From  the 
fortress  of  Mantua  he  had  escaped  to  England  in  1856, 
whence  in  1857  he  had  repaired  to  Paris,  having  formed 
a  conspiracy  with  Pieri,  Rudio,  and  Gomez  the  aim  of 
which  was  the  assassination  of  the  French  Emperor. 

For  once  the  '  habitual  calm '  of  Napoleon  was  not 
maintained.  He  has,  indeed,  been  accused  of  having 
sunk  for  the  time  into  the  position  of  a  political  poltroon, 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF    1859    195 

trembling  under  the  threats  of  the  Carbonari,  to  whom 
he  was  believed  with  truth  to  have  belonged  in  his  own 
early  revolutionary  days,  and  quaking  under  the  terror 
of  such  another  lesson  as  Orsini  had  administered.  His 
ill-wishers  declared  that  his  prestige  was  gone  and  that 
his  cool  courage  had  forsaken  him  ;  it  was  even  averred 
that  his  time  was  occupied  in  devising  precautions  for 
his  own  safety.  He  was  said  to  wear  a  cuirass  under 
his  coat  ;  to  have  had  wires  fixed  over  the  chimneys  of 
the  Tuileries  so  that  explosive  substances  should  not 
reach  him  at  his  hearth  ;  to  have  bought  the  houses 
opposite  the  Tuileries  lest  grenades  should  be  dropped 
from  their  windows  into  his  carriage  ;  and  that  a  cohort 
of  spies  mingled  with  the  guests  at  Lady  Cowley's  ball 
to  assure  his  protection. 

Whether  it  was  by  significant  pressure  or  by  strenuous 
entreaty  that  in  1858  Cavour  obtained  from  Louis  Napo- 
leon his  promise  to  support  Italy  with  armed  force,  may 
never  be  known.  The  bargain  was  struck — the  com- 
pact of  Plombieres  was  ratified  between  the  French 
Emperor  and  the  Sardinian  Prime  Minister.  That 
Italy  made  a  good  bargain  is  long  since  beyond  dispute. 
She  leaped  by  two  or  three  great  bounds  into  a  new  and 
free  liberal  national  life.  An  united  Italy  was  not  in  the 
Plombieres  agreement,  nor  did  Cavour  expect  to  find  it 
there.  What  he  did  hope  for  and  obtained  was  a  free 
northern  kingdom  to  begin  with,  which  should  absorb 
the  Italian  nation  '  from  the  Alps  to  the  Adriatic'  But 
the  impulse  which  his  genius  and  patriotism  gave  to  his 
countrymen's  destinies  has  carried  the  seat  of  the  Italian 
Government  from  Turin  to  Florence  and  from  Florence 

to  Rome. 

o  2 


196  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

In  November,  1858,  Vincenzo  Salvagnuoli  presented 
a  memorial  to  the  Emperor  at  Compiegne,  in  which  the 
expulsion  of  Austria  from   Italy   with   the  assistance  of 
France  was  assumed  as  a  question  already  agreed  upon. 
The  Emperor  undertook  to  throw  200,000  troops  into 
Italy  and  to  command  them  in  person  in  the  following 
summer.     On   New  Year's  morning  of  1859,  when  the 
Emperor  was  receiving  the  customary  greetings  of  the 
Diplomatic  Body  at  the  Tuileries,  he  turned  to  M.  Hlibner 
the  Austrian  Ambassador  and  said  to  him  abruptly  in 
the  hearing  of  his  colleagues,  '  I  regret  that  our  relations 
with   your  Government  are   not  so  good  as  they  have 
been  hitherto  ;  but    I   beg  you  to  assure  the   Emperor 
that  my  personal  feelings  towards  him  are  unchanged.' 
Those  simple  words  fell  upon  Europe  like  the  shock  of 
an  earthquake.     The  '  Moniteur '  was  instructed  to  de- 
clare that  there  was  nothing  in  the  diplomatic  relations 
of  the  two  Courts  to  warrant  the  prevailing  rumours  of 
war.       But   this  pacific  assurance   was  counteracted  by 
the  tone  of  Victor    Emanuel's    speech    in    opening   the 
Sardinian    Chambers    on    Jan.    10.       It    was   generally 
believed  that  a  secret  alliance  had  been  formed  between 
the  French  Emperor  and  the  King  of  Sardinia,  although 
its  precise  nature  remained  unknown.    That  it  was  to  the 
advantage  of  France  was  inferred  from  the  marriage  of 
Prince  Napoleon  to  the  Princess  Clothilde,  eldest  daughter 
of  Victor  Emanuel.      Her  hand  by  proxy  was  demanded 
by    General    Niel    on    Jan.    23,    and  the  marriage    was 
celebrated  a  week  later.     Those  and  other  indications 
of    the   designs    of  the    French    Emperor   warned    the 
Austrian  Government    to    make  energetic  preparations 
for  the  defence  of  its  Italian  possessions  ;  and  an  appeal 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF    1859    197 

was  made  to  the  German  Confederation  to  act  as  an 
united  power  if  Austria  by  an  attack  on  her  Italian  pro- 
vinces should  be  called  upon  to  take  up  arms  against 
France  and  Sardinia  combined.  While  thus  appealing 
for  support  to  the  other  German  Powers,  Austria  was 
pushing  forward  great  armaments  along  the  Ticino  and 
the  Po.  Strong  masses  of  troops  were  quartered  in 
Cremona,  Placenza,  and  Pavia,  assuming  an  aggressive 
aspect  against  Piedmont;  and  a  loan  of  150  million 
francs  had  been  contracted  in  Vienna. 

Louis  Napoleon  had  given  his  pledges  to  Cavour, 
but  it  seemed  as  if  he  were  fain  that  they  would  not  be 
exacted.  He  was  disconcerted  by  the  precipitate  march 
of  events.  He  was  not  ready  for  action.  He  had  been 
told  that  his  words  to  M.  Htibner  would  cost  France  a 
milliard.  The  French  people  were  not  at  all  eager  to 
make  heavy  sacrifices  for  the  deliverance  of  Italy.  The 
Ministers,  whose  policy  frequently  clashed  with  that  of 
the  Emperor,  were  opposed  to  Italian  independence  and 
disliked  Cavour — Walewski  even  hated  him.  The  atti- 
tude of  France  towards  Austria  and  Italy  was  the  subject 
of  much  discussion  and  great  difference  of  opinion 
throughout  Europe  when  the  question  of  war  or  peace 
was  seemingly  hanging  in  the  balance.  Notwith- 
standing the  emphatic  declaration  of  Louis  Napoleon 
that  the  Empire  meant  peace,  there  was  a  strong  and 
widespread  suspicion  that  the  Imperial  policy  would  be 
guided  by  a  spirit  of  war  and  conquest.  The  Emperor 
took  great  pains  to  effect  the  removal  of  this  impression, 
especially  from  the  minds  of  English  statesmen  ;  but  with 
slight  success.  The  Congress,  in  the  assemblage  of 
which  at  the  desire  of  the  French  Emperor  Russia  took 


198  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

the  initiative,  seemed  to  meet  with  general  acquiescence 
but  ultimately  came  to  nothing.  All  efforts  at  concilia- 
tion proved  unavailing.  Each  of  the  three  Powers  most 
concerned  seemed  animated  by  the  conviction  that  the 
questions  at  issue  could  be  settled  only  by  an  appeal  to 
the  sword.  Each,  in  fact,  was  impatient  for  the  opening 
of  hostilities. 

Before  departing  for  the  seat  of  war  the  Emperor 
addressed  a  proclamation  to  his  subjects  from  which  a 
few  sentences  may  be  extracted  :  '  I  desire  no  conquests, 
but  I  resolve  firmly  to  maintain  my  national  and 
traditional  policy.  I  observe  treaties  on  the  condition 
that  no  one  shall  violate  them  to  my  disadvantage.  I 
respect  the  territory  and  rights  of  neutral  Powers  ;  but  I 
boldly  avow  my  sympathy  for  a  people  whose  history 
is  mingled  with  our  own  and  who  groan  under  foreign 
oppression.  ...  I  am  about  to  place  myself  at  the  head 
of  the  army.  I  leave  in  France  the  Empress  and  my 
son.  Aided  by  the  experience  and  enlightenment  of  the 
last  surviving  brother  of  the  Great  Emperor  the  Empress, 
who  will  be  the  head  of  the  Regency  during  my  absence, 
will  understand  how  to  show  herself  equal  to  the  grandeur 
of  her  mission.' 

The  Franco-Austrian  War  of  1 859,  so  unpopular  when 
first  rumoured,  became  so  popular  when  actually  engaged 
in  that  the  French  people  watched  the  military  movements 
with  eager  enthusiasm  and  crowded  eagerly  to  subscribe 
to  the  war-loan. 

Just  before  the  opening  of  the  war  Victor  Emanuel 
summoned  Garibaldi  to  take  the  command  of  the  little 
army  of  noble  Volunteers.  '  We  want  you,'  said  Cavour. 
'  I  am  always  ready  to  serve  my  country,'  said  Garibaldi 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF    1859    199 

simply.  '  My  first  duty  is  to  offer  my  sword  to  my 
country.  My  war-cry  therefore  shall  be,  "  Italian  Unity 
under  the  constitutional  rule  of  Victor  Emanuel."  Re- 
member, however,  that  the  aid  of  foreign  arms  must  be 
paid  for  dearly.  As  for  the  man  who  has  promised  to  help 
us,  I  ardently  wish  he  may  redeem  himself  in  the  eyes  of 
posterity  by  achieving  the  noble  task  of  Italian  liberation.' 
By  the  end  of  April  Garibaldi  was  in  command  of  three 
fine  regiments  of  Cacciatori  delle  Alpi,  a  company  of 
Genoese  sharpshooters,  and  a  small  squadron  of  Guides. 
The  little  force,  slight  in  numerical  strength,  was  formed 
from  the  best  elements  of  Lombardy,  the  Romagna  and 
the  minor  Duchies  ;  and  it  did  gallant  service  in  the 
war. 

On  May  2  King  Victor  Emanuel  called  his  warriors 
to  arms.  He  was  himself  Commander-in-Chief.  He 
had  five  divisions  of  regular  infantry,  amounting  to  about 
13,000  men.  Each  division  had  two  battalions  of  Ber- 
saglieri,  a  regiment  of  cavalry,  three  batteries,  and  a 
company  of  sappers.  The  cavalry  division  consisted  of 
sixteen  squadrons,  with  twelve  field-guns  and  two 
batteries  of  horse  artillery.  The  third  and  fourth  French 
corps  were  on  the  march  before  the  declaration  of  war  ; 
they  crossed  the  Alps  and  hastened  from  the  slopes  of 
Mont  Cenis  and  Mont  Genevre  toward  the  scene  of 
action  in  the  great  Italian  plain.  The  first  and  second 
corps  with  the  maUriel  of  the  army  had  sailed  from 
Toulon  to  Genoa,  and  having  crossed  the  Apennines 
were  hurrying  northward  to  occupy  the  valley  of  the 
Scrivia.  On  May  12  the  French  Emperor  made  his 
entry  into  Genoa  under  arches,  draperies,  and  flowers. 
At   Alessandria   he    rode   under   an  arch  on  which  was 


200  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

emblazoned  the  legend,  '  To  the  descendant  of  the 
Conqueror  of  Marengo ! '  And  when  he  entered  the 
Palace  he  found  on  his  table  the  map  on  which  his  great 
uncle  had  traced  the  movements  of  his  army  before  the 
battle  of  Marengo. 

Space  forbids  any  attempt  to  give  the  details  of  the 
battles  of  this  short  but  bloody  campaign.  The  first 
engagement  occurred  at  Genestrello  on  May  20  ;  from 
which  place  after  some  hard  fighting  the  Austrians  were 
driven  out.  They  then  made  a  stand  at  Montebello, 
where,  although  20,000  strong,  they  were  routed  by  some 
6,000  Sardinians.  The  Austrian  general  was  completely 
outmanoeuvred  by  the  Emperor  and  the  King.  By  a 
wide  turning  movement  the  Allied  commanders  forced 
the  Austrians  to  cross  the  Po  and  then  to  retire 
behind  the  Sesia.  On  the  30th  General  Cialdini 
crossed  the  Sesia  and  drove  the  Austrians  from  the 
fortified  positions  of  Palestro,  Venzaglio,  and  Casalino, 
having  carried  each  position  at  the  bayonet-point.  Next 
day  the  Austrian  general  strove  hard  to  retake  Palestro  ; 
but  Victor  Emanuel  threw  himself  into  the  heart  of  the 
struggle  and  carried  everything  before  him.  The  3rd 
French  Zouaves  performed  prodigies  of  valour  and 
French  and  Sardinian  soldiers  vied  with  each  other  in 
gallant  deeds. 

The  battles  of  the  war  followed  each  other  with 
extraordinary  rapidity.  Magenta  was  a  splendid  if  a 
bloody  triumph.  The  brilliant  march  of  MacMahon 
from  Turbigo  on  Buffalora  and  Magenta,  and  the 
prodigies  of  valour  performed  by  his  soldiers  ;  the  deeds 
of  the  Grenadiers  of  the  Guard  at  the  bridge  of  Buffalora  ; 
the    splendid    fight    at    the    Ponte    Vecchio  ;   the    fierce 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF    1859    201 

bayonet  charges  under  Wimpffen  ;  the  hand-to-hand 
struggle  in  the  streets  of  Magenta  ;  all  were  achieve- 
ments of  unsurpassed  valour.  The  Emperor  remained 
under  fire  on  the  bridge  of  BufTalora  during  the  fighting. 
Many  times  during  the  day  came  messages  that  the  com- 
mander of  the  Imperial  Guard  could  no  longer  hold  his 
ground.  '  He  must  hold  it '  was  the  Emperor's  answer  ; 
and  the  Guard  held  on. 

The  Austrians  left  6,000  dead  and  wounded  on  the 
battlefield,  and  4,000  were  taken  prisoners.  The  losses 
of  the  victors  were  almost  as  heavy  as  those  of  the 
vanquished  ;  but  the  great  triumphant  result  of  the  day 
was  that  the  hated  Austrian  had  been  once  and  for  all 
driven  out  of  Piedmont.  On  the  early  morning  after  the 
battle  the  Emperor  and  Victor  Emanuel  entered  Milan  ; 
and  the  Emperor  went  to  the  Villa  Buonaparte  which  for 
him  was  full  of  associations.  His  great  uncle  and  Eugene 
Beauharnais  had  inhabited  it.  Queen  Hortense  had  spent 
within  its  walls  many  happy  days.  Louis  Napoleon 
pointed  out  to  his  aide-de-camp  the  very  room  in  which 
he  had  slept  in  181 3:  and  he  sent  to  ask  whether  the 
fine  tall  porter  whom  he  remembered  of  those  days 
was  still  alive.  When  the  Emperor  and  Victor  Emanuel 
appeared  together  in  the  streets  of  Milan  their  progress 
was  a  triumphal  march.  The  King  did  not  try  to  conceal 
the  deep  emotion  which  his  face  betrayed ;  and  the 
Emperor  himself,  notwithstanding  his  phlegmatic 
temperament,  could  not  control  the  joy  which  he 
exhibited.  The  enthusiastic  Italians  who  then  kissed 
his  feet  could  not  anticipate  that  five  weeks  later  the 
discredit  of  Villafranca  would  follow  the  victory  of 
Magenta. 


202  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

After  their  defeat  at  Magenta  the  Austrians  had 
abandoned  Milan  in  haste,  leaving  at  Malegnano,  half- 
way between  Milan  and  Lodi,  a  strong  rearguard  for 
the  protection  of  their  main  army  in  its  retreat.  It  was 
determined  to  attack  this  force  and  to  attempt  to  cut 
off  its  retreat  across  the  Adda.  The  commanders  as- 
signed to  this  undertaking  were  Baraguay  d'Hilliers, 
MacMahon,  and  L'Admirault  ;  the  divisional  generals 
were  Bazaine,  Forey,  and  Goz.  Bazaine's  division  of 
Baraguay  d'Hilliers'  corps  arrived  before  Malegnano  at 
five  p.m.  of  June  8.  An  Austrian  division  was  in  posses- 
sion of  the  town,  the  entrance  to  which  was  barricaded 
and  defended  by  four  guns.  Bazaine's  troops  suffered 
severely  while  exposed  to  the  enemy's  cross  fire. 
Bullets  rained  down  from  the  windows  ;  shells,  round- 
shot,  and  grape  poured  in  showers  on  the  road ;  bayonets 
and  butt-ends  of  muskets  were  freely  used  ;  but  the  French 
storming  parties  were  repulsed.  Suddenly,  however, 
the  sound  of  artillery  was  heard  from  the  other  end  of 
the  town,  indicating  that  Forey  had  turned  the  Austrian 
position.  Then  Bazaine's  Zouaves  dashed  at  the  barri- 
cade with  a  fury  which  nothing  could  withstand.  The 
first  line  of  the  Austrian  defence  consisted  wholly  of 
officers  who  fought  with  desperate  valour  ;  but  never- 
theless the  obstacle  was  carried  and  the  French  sappers 
cleared  the  way  for  the  artillery.  The  cemetery  on  the 
left  of  the  road,  defended  by  the  Austrians  with  great 
obstinacy,  was  at  length  carried  by  General  Goz  and 
Colonel  Paulze  d'lvry;  and  the  fortune  of  the  bitter 
fight  manifestly  began  to  turn  against  the  Austrians. 
L'Admirault  struck  in  at  the  double  upon  the  massed 
troops  of  the  enemy  in  the  streets  and  piazzas  of  the 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF    1859    203 

town.  The  Zouaves  at  length  reached  the  square,  after 
having  stormed  every  house,  every  church,  every  portico. 
As  darkness  set  in  torrents  of  rain  covered  the  bloody 
ground  and  the  noise  of  the  fighting  was  responded  to 
in  peals  of  thunder.  During  the  night  the  Austrian 
army  succeeded  in  effecting  the  passage  of  the  Adda, 
whence  it  fell  back  sullenly  towards  the  Chiese,  the  Oglio, 
and  the  Mincio. 

The  Emperor  and  the  King  did  not  rest  long  on 
their  laurels  at  Milan.  The  former  fixed  for  the  time  his 
headquarters  at  Gorgonzola  with  the  Imperial  Guard, 
which  thus  acted  as  the  reserve  of  the  Allied  armies.  At 
Brescia  the  Emperor  slept  in  the  room  which  his  great 
uncle  had  occupied,  and  wrote  his  despatches  upon  the 
table  which  the  First  Consul  had  used.  From  Brescia 
the  Imperial  headquarters  were  moved  forward  to 
Montechiaro,  almost  on  the  edge  of  the  battlefield.  On 
the  clay  before  the  great  battle  the  lines  of  the  Allied 
armies  reached  from  the  shore  of  the  Lake  of  Garda  at 
Desenzano  along  the  western  edge  of  the  hilly  country 
from  Lonato  down  to  Castiglione  ;  and  bending  back 
towards  Caspenedolo  touched  thereabouts  the  river 
Chiese.  During  the  23rd  and  the  early  morning  of  the 
24th  the  Austrian  commander,  General  Hess,  had  caused 
the  Austrian  army  to  move  out  from  Verona  and  Mantua  ; 
to  recross  the  Mincio  at  Salionze,  Valleggio,  Ferri,  and 
Goito  ;  and  to  occupy  Pozzolengo,  Solferino,  Cavriana, 
Volta,  and  Guidizzuolo — positions  which  had  been 
abandoned  by  it  only  three  days  previously. 

From  the  Imperial  headquarters  at  Montechiaro 
there  was  issued  on  the  evening  of  the  23rd  a  general 
order  regulating  the   forward  movements  of  the  Allied 


204  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

armies,  which  were  to  begin  by  daylight  of  the  morrow. 
To  the  left  flank  was  assigned  Victor  Emanuel's  army 
of  which  the  ist  and  2nd  divisions  were  in  the  hilly 
country  about  Lonato  ;  the  3rd  was  at  Desenzano  and 
Rivoltella  ;  the  4th  in  advance  of  Lonato ;  and  the 
cavalry  at  Biddizole.  The  instructions  were  that  his 
Sardinian  Majesty  should  advance  with  his  army  on 
Pozzolengo  ;  Marshal  Baraguay  d'Hilliers,  whose  left 
was  in  touch  with  the  Piedmontese,  was  to  march  from 
Essenta  on  Solferino  ;  and  Marshal  MacMahon  was  to 
advance  from  Castiglione  on  Cavriana.  The  two  corps 
of  Niel  and  Canrobert  were  to  move  across  the  plain, 
the  former  from  Carpenedolo  on  Guidizzuolo,  the  latter 
from  Mezzano  on  Medole.  The  Imperial  Guard  was 
to  move  forward  from  Montechiaro  on  Castiglione,  and 
two  cavalry  divisions  were  to  manoeuvre  in  the  plain 
between  Solferino  and  Medole. 

Considerable  fighting  had  already  occurred  when  at 
five  a.m.  of  the  24th  urgent  messengers  from  MacMahon 
and  Baraguay  d'Hilliers  reached  the  Emperor  in  his 
headquarters  at  Montechiaro.  He  at  once  despatched 
his  staff  to  precede  him  to  Castiglione,  while  he  himself, 
escorted  by  the  Cent-Gardes,  drove  with  all  speed  in  the 
same  direction.  Alighting  at  Castiglione  he  ascended 
a  lofty  church-tower  from  which  is  visible  a  wide 
panorama.  As  he  surveyed  the  scene,  the  smoke  of  the 
guns  enabled  him  to  form  a  distinct  idea  of  the  con- 
ditions of  the  battle  then  being  fought.  From  his 
elevated  position  he  could  see  the  masses  of  the  enemy 
swarming  along  the  heights  uniting  Cavriana  with  Sol- 
ferino. The  distant  cannon-roar  indicated  that  Canrobert 
had  passed  Castel  Goffredo   and  was  hurrying  towards 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF    1859    205 

Medole.  Nearer  to  Castiglione  could  be  seen  the  head 
of  the  Imperial  Guard  marching  forward  in  the  direction 
of  Guidizzuolo.  The  Piedmontese  cannon  on  the  ex- 
treme left  announced  to  the  Emperor  that  the  legions 
of  Victor  Emanuel  were  fighting  hard  ;  but  the  distance 
and  the  undulations  of  the  ground  hindered  the  view 
in  that  direction. 

High  military  ability  has  been  rarely  ascribed  to 
Louis  Napoleon ;  yet  the  directions  he  sent  to  his 
Marshals  as  soon  as  he  had  descended  from  the  steeple 
of  the  church  of  Castiglione  certainly  evinced  the  pene- 
tration and  tactical  sagacity  of  an  experienced  com- 
mander. He  had  immediately  perceived  that  the  object 
of  the  Austrians  was  to  divert  the  attack  on  Solferino— 
the  key  of  their  position — by  outflanking  the  right  of  the 
French  army,  filling  up  the  gap  between  the  second  and 
fourth  corps  and  thus  cutting  the  enemy's  forces  in 
two.  The  Emperor,  therefore,  commanded  the  cavalry 
of  the  Imperial  Guard  to  join  MacMahon,  to  whom  he 
sent  orders  to  dislodge  the  enemy  from  Morino's  farm  ; 
he  also  directed  that  the  Imperial  Guard  should  march 
forward  in  rear  of  the  heights  on  which  the  first  corps 
was  fighting.  The  plan  of  the  Emperor  appears  to  have 
been  clear  and  precise.  In  a  word,  his  design  was  to 
make  himself  master  of  Solferino  at  any  cost  ;  and  then, 
by  a  flank  movement  to  beat  the  enemy  out  of  his 
position  at  Cavriana. 

Meanwhile  death  was  ravaging  the  divisions  of 
Baraguay  d'Hilliers,  fighting  on  the  heights  which  face 
Solferino.  From  the  plain  the  Emperor  saw  the  smoke 
enveloping  the  masses  of  his  army,  and  he  felt  that  his 
place  was  with   them.     Galloping  up  on   to  the   Monte 


206  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Fenile,  he  found  that  Dieu's  brigade  had  reached  the 
foot  of  the  Cypress  Mamelon  and  that  d' Alton's  was 
massed  on  the  road  from  Castiglione  to  Solferino,  edging 
the  foot  of  the  hill  from  which  the  Emperor  was  witness- 
ing the  tremendous  drama  then  being  acted  out.  Sud- 
denly a  thick  phalanx  of  bayonets  was  seen  glittering 
through  the  trees  of  the  valley — a  body  of  Austrian 
troops  which  Stadion  had  sent  to  cut  the  line  of  the 
French.  D'Alton's  brigade  stood  its  ground  like  a  wall 
of  granite,  but  the  odds  of  five  to  one  were  too  great 
and  d' Alton  could  not  hold  his  own  any  longer.  The 
artillery  of  the  Austrians  was  brought  to  bear  on  his 
flank,  and  showers  of  shot,  grape,  and  shell  were  poured 
into  the  brave  but  shattered  brigade.  Forey's  division, 
and  more  especially  d' Alton's  brigade,  would  undoubtedly 
have  been  crushed  by  a  fresh  hostile  column  just  then 
debouching  from  the  road  of  Casal  del  Monte,  had  not 
succour  been  at  hand.  The  crisis  was  imminent ;  there 
was  not  a  moment  to  be  lost.  From  the  heights  of 
Monte  Fenile  Louis  Napoleon  had  perceived  the  danger 
and  saw  that  the  instant  had  arrived  when  to  engage  his 
reserve.  He  may  have  remembered  the  exclamation  so 
often  used  by  his  great  uncle,  '  A  mot  la  Garde  /'  He 
sent  orders  to  General  Maneque  of  the  Guard  to 
advance  at  once  against  the  Austrian  columns  and  give 
support  to  d' Alton.  The  movement  was  executed  with 
the  rapidity  which  is  one  of  the  finest  qualities  of 
the  French  army,  and  the  Austrians  were  beaten 
back. 

Hours  of  desperate  fighting  and  of  horrid  slaughter 
passed  before  Solferino  fell  into  the  possession  of  the 
French.     At  length  the  Cypress  Mount  was  carried  and 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF    1859    207 

the  Austrian  artillery  was  captured.  The  long-expected 
moment  had  now  come.  Forey  gave  orders  to  storm 
the  Tower  Hill  of  Solferino.  The  drums  beat,  the 
trumpets  sounded  ;  shouts  of  '  Vive  VEmpereur  ! '  rent 
the  air  ;  voltigeurs  of  the  Imperial  Guard,  chasseurs, 
and  linesmen  rushed  to  the  assault  with  an  impetuosity 
which  the  Austrians  could  not  withstand.  The  heights 
of  Solferino  were  covered  in  a  moment  by  thousands 
of  French  troops.  The  Tower  Hill  was  carried,  and 
General  Forey  then  halted  his  victorious  columns  for  a 
few  moments  ;  while  Lebceuf  brought  up  his  powerful 
artillery  to  bear  upon  the  defeated  masses  of  the 
Austrians  now  retiring  through  the  narrow  streets  of  the 
village  of  Solferino  towards  Cavriana. 

Long  hours  of  hard,  fighting  followed  the  great 
success  just  recorded,  and  the  final  issue  was  wholly  in 
favour  of  the  French.  The  Austrian  retreat,  though 
orderly,  was  so  rapid  that  the  Kaiser  himself  had  barely 
time  to  gain  the  cross-road  from  Cavriana  to  Valeggio. 
Two  hours  later  Cavriana  was  filled  by  the  victorious 
adversaries  of  Francis  Joseph  ;  and  the  Casa  Pastore 
which  had  been  his  temporary  quarters,  now  opened  its 
doors  to  receive  the  rival  Emperor. 

The  valorous  deeds  performed  by  the  Italian  troops 
fighting  on  the  extreme  left  of  the  Allied  armies  cannot 
be  here  detailed.  After  having  beaten  back  the  enemy 
from  Monte  Manca  and  forced  him  to  retreat  in  disorder 
to  the  village  of  Pozzolengo,  they  were  able  to  expel 
the  Austrian  masses  from  the  strong  positions  of  San 
Martino  and  Contracania.  Those  achievements  proved 
that  the  Piedmontese  were  no  whit  inferior  to  their 
gallant  allies  ;  for  they  had  to  deal  with   Benedek,  who 


2o8  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

certainly  was  a  more  skilful  soldier  and  resolute  fighting 
man  than  any  of  his  colleagues. 

The  Allied  armies  had  achieved  a  splendid  victory 
but  at  a  most  serious  cost.  The  French  had  12,000 
kors  de  combat;  150  officers  killed,  and  570  wounded. 
The  Italian  losses  were  5,521  men  killed,  wounded,  and 
missing.  The  casualties  among  the  Austrians  were 
stupendous — there  were  from  20,000  to  25,000  men 
kors  de  combat  and  the  '  missing  '  reached  a  total  of  4,000. 
The  Austrians  left  thirty  guns  on  the  field  as  well  as 
several  regimental  colours.  The  battlefield  was  a 
horrible  and  shuddering  spectacle. 

A  strange  and  startling  series  of  events  followed  the 
battle  of  Solferino.  Two  days  after  the  victory  Cavour 
had  a  long  interview  with  the  French  Emperor. 
Napoleon  was  disgusted  with  the  quarrels  of  his  generals 
and  shocked  by  the  horrible  scenes  of  war  he  had  just 
witnessed,  but  proud  and  delighted  that  the  military 
glory  of  France  had  been  once  again  splendidly  asserted. 
Cavour  left  the  Imperial  headquarters  at  Valeggio  in 
high  spirits  and  full  of  assurance  that  the  Emperor  was 
determined  to  prosecute  the  war  with  vigour  to  its  con- 
clusion. But  rumours  were  presently  rife  in  the  camp 
that  a  French  General  had  been  sent  to  Verona  on  some 
mysterious  mission  to  the  Austrian  Emperor.  Those 
reports  proved  well  founded.  Since  daybreak  of  July  6 
the  several  corps  of  the  Allied  armies  had  been  formed 
up  in  position  for  the  battle  which  was  believed  to  be 
imminent.  On  the  early  evening  of  the  same  day 
General  Fleury  left  Valeggio  with  a  letter  from  the 
French  Emperor  to  the  Austrian  Kaiser,  making  direct 
proposals  for  an  armistice.     This  step  was  taken  without 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF    1859    209 

any  communication  with  Victor  Emanuel  and  without 
the  knowledge  of  anyone  except  the  bearer  of  the 
message.  By  eleven  o'clock  of  the  following  morning 
Fleury  was  back  in  Valeggio,  announcing  the  success  of 
his  mission.  The  result  was  the  conclusion  of  an  armis- 
tice for  one  month.  The  announcement  spread  con- 
sternation in  the  Sardinian  camp  and  excited  the 
deepest  disappointment  and  indignation  throughout  Italy. 
Coming  upon  the  Italians  while  still  in  the  flush  of 
victory  and  buoyant  with  hope,  the  tidings  were  felt  not 
only  as  a  terrible  shock  but  as  a  betrayal  of  the  cause 
and  a  national  humiliation. 

The  two  Emperors  met  at  Villafranca  on  the  morning 
of  the    nth,  and  were  closeted  alone  for  an  hour.     Of 
what  passed   between  them  there  is  no  record.     When 
they  came  forth   the  Austrian   looked  pale  and   embar- 
rassed, the  Frenchman  gay  and  at  his  ease.     The  proud 
descendant  of  the   Hapsburgs  doubtless  felt  bitterly  the 
humiliation  of  that   moment.      Louis  Napoleon,   on  the 
contrary,  had  satisfied  his  greatest  desire — the  dealing  in 
person  with  a  legitimate   Emperor.      Nothing  had  been 
committed  to  paper  at  that  interview  ;  but  on  his  return 
to  Valeggio  the  Emperor  despatched  his  cousin    Prince 
Napoleon  to  Verona,  there  to  settle  the  preliminaries  of 
that  peace   which    was  finally   adjusted  at   Zurich    after 
many    delays    and    contentions.       The    same    evening 
Napoleon    informed    Victor   Emanuel    that    if   the    pre- 
liminaries   of  which    Prince    Napoleon  was    the    bearer 
should  be  accepted,  peace  would  be  concluded.     Victor 
Emanuel  replied  gravely  and  coldly,  '  Whatever  may  be 
the  decision  of  your  Majesty  I  shall  feel  eternal  gratitude 
for  what  you  have  done  in  behalf  of  Italian  independ- 

p 


210  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

ence  ;  and  I  beg  you  to  believe  that  you  may  reckon  on 
my  fidelity.'  Cavour  had  less  self-control.  He  rushed 
into  the  King's  presence  in  great  excitement,  his  face 
scarlet  with  passion,  and  his  manner,  usually  simple  and 
easy,  marked  by  violent  gesticulations.  He  spoke  of  the 
French  Emperor  in  the  most  disrespectful  language  ;  and 
he  advised  his  master  to  reject  the  terms  of  peace,  to 
withdraw  his  army  from  Lombardy,  to  abdicate,  to  do 
anything  to  vindicate  his  dignity.  The  great  statesman 
resigned  rather  than  agree  to  a  peace  concluded  without 
his  Sovereign  or  himself  being  considered,  and  Rattazzi 
received  instructions  to  form  a  new  Ministry. 

On  the  evening  of  July  12  the  Emperor  left  the  army 
for  France,  passing  through  Milan  and  Turin,  where  he 
had  so   recently  been  hailed  with  enthusiastic  acclama- 
tions.      He   must  painfully  have  felt  the  contrast,  when 
the    victor    of  Magenta   and    Solferino    was  allowed    to 
return  from  the  scenes  of  his  successes  without  a  single 
cheer  from  the  people  whose  country  he  had  promised  to 
free  '  from  the  Alps  to  the  Adriatic  '  ;  but  whom  he  was 
now  abruptly  abandoning,  leaving  his  '  mission  '  but  half 
accomplished.     On    July    19    the    Emperor  received  at 
St.  Cloud  the  great  bodies  of  the  State.     The  Due  de 
Morny    addressed    him    in    terms    of    lavish    adulation. 
Napoleon's    reply    was    in    effect    an    apology    to    the 
French,  the  Italians,  and  the  English  for  what  he  must 
have  felt  to  be  a  very  imperfect  fulfilment  of  the  task  he 
had   undertaken.      His  reasons  for  stopping  short  were 
very  forcible  in  themselves,  but  they  were  susceptible  of 
this    complete  answer — that  they   should  all  have  been 
foreseen  and  should  have   entered  into  his  calculations 
when   he  published   his  programme  of  freedom  to  Italy 


THE    EMPEROR    AND    EMPRESS    IN    WALKING    DRESS 
{From  n  photograph  taken  about  i860) 


THE    ITALIAN    CAMPAIGN    OF    1859    211 

'from  the  Alps  to  the  Adriatic'  Yet  it  appeared  that 
even  when  he  addressed  the  Italians  at  Milan  as  their 
deliverer  the  new  light  had  not  broken  in  upon  him 
which  revealed  the  strength  of  the  Quadrilateral,  the  cost 
of  expelling  the  Austrians  from  Venetia,  and  the  con- 
viction that  further  French  successes  would  certainly 
bring  mobilised  Germany  into  the  field.  That  new  light 
seems  to  have  flashed  upon  Napoleon  for  the  first  time 
from  the  stern  Austrian  ranks  on  the  day  of  Solferino. 
It  was  then  he  realised  that  should  he  go  forward, 
he  would  be  obliged  to  attack  in  front  an  enemy  en- 
trenched behind  great  fortresses,  and  protected  against 
any  diversion  on  his  flanks  by  the  neutrality  of  the  terri- 
tories surrounding  him.  In  short,  to  use  the  chagrined 
Emperor's  own  words,  '  in  commencing  a  long  and  sterile 
war  of  sieges  I  recognised  in  presence  of  me  Europe  in 
arms,  ready  either  to  dispute  our  success  or  to  aggravate 
our  reverses.'  Admirable  a  posteriori  reasoning,  but 
curiously  belated. 


p  2 


2i2  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


CHAPTER   XI 

THE    MEXICAN    TRAGEDY 

Louis  Napoleon  was  a  man  of  very  considerable  ability, 
and  it  is  possible  enough  that  he  would  have  been  a 
stable  Sovereign  but  for  the  restless  ambition  which 
possessed  his  soul.  His  life  was  one  of  constant  plotting 
and  scheming,  occasionally,  it  is  true — as  in  the  cession 
to  him  by  Victor  Emanuel  of  Nice  and  Savoy — with 
substantial  if  unscrupulous  results,  but  more  often  with  a 
futile  or  disastrous  outcome  to  his  projects.  At  the  out- 
break of  the  Civil  War  in  the  United  States  in  1861  his 
impulse  was  to  intervene  in  favour  of  the  South,  and 
to  form  of  the  Confederate  States  a  separate  Republic 
which,  he  dreamed,  would  become  the  ally  of  France. 
That  inclination  had  been  abandoned  by  a  conviction  of 
the  force  of  the  growing  unanimity  in  the  Northern  States 
of  the  great  American  Union  in  favour  of  the  abolition 
of  slavery,  and  by  the  attitude  of  Great  Britain.  But 
Mexico  presented  to  his  sanguine  disposition  a  tempting 
sphere  of  opportunity.  The  origin  of  the  Mexican 
adventure  has  been  said  to  have  resulted  from  some 
scandalous  financial  operations  on  the  joint  parts  of  the 
Due  de  Morny  and  a  certain  Jecker,  a  Swiss  banker  who 
was  subsequently  shot  in  the  Paris  Commune.  The 
character   of   Morny  in   his  financial   relations   and    the 


THE    MEXICAN    TRAGEDY  213 

pretensions  of  Jecker  gave  some  colour  to  those  charges. 
But  as  a  matter  of  fact,  the  expedition  to  Mexico  of 
1861-62  was  originally  undertaken  in  consequence  of  the 
joint  action  of  England  and  Spain  under  a  convention 
signed  in  London  on  Nov.  20,  1861,  to  which  France  later 
became  a  party.  Mexico  had  so  long  evaded  her  obliga- 
tions to  her  English  and  Spanish  creditors  and  had  left 
unredressed  so  many  outrages  on  individual  Englishmen 
and  Spaniards  residing  in  Mexico,  that  the  Governments 
of  the  two  countries  had  at  length  resolved  to  resort 
to  strenuous  measures.  France  also  claimed  to  have 
grievances  ;  and  it  was  not  in  the  first  instance  under- 
stood that  the  ultimate  aims  of  the  French  Emperor  were 
not  in  substantial  accord  with  the  objects  of  the  other 
Powers. 

The  expedition  sailed  in  December,  1861.  Spain 
embarked  7,000  soldiers,  France  about  2,500,  the  English 
contingent  consisted  of  but  700  Marines.  In  the  early 
days  of  January,  1862,  the  troops  landed  at  Vera  Cruz 
without  resistance,  under  the  command  of  the  Spanish 
General  Prim.  The  Allied  Commissioners  presently 
published  a  manifesto  addressed  to  the  Mexican  people, 
declaring  that  neither  conquest  nor  political  dictation  was 
the  object  of  the  Allied  Powers,  which  had  long  beheld 
with  grief  a  noble  people  '  wasting  its  forces  and 
extinguishing  its  vitality  in  the  violence  of  civil  war 
and  perpetual  convulsions  ' ;  and  who  had  now  landed 
on  their  shores  to  give  them  an  opportunity  of  constitut- 
ing themselves  in  a  permanent  and  stable  manner.  Yet 
all  this  time  the  views  of  the  French  Emperor  were 
extended  to  ulterior  aims  of  which  his  Allies  never 
dreamed.     When,  after  the  issuing  of  the  manifesto,  the 


2i4  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Commissioners  of  the  Allied  Powers  began  to  exchange 
ideas  and  to  communicate  to  each  other  the  exact  nature 
of  the  instructions  emanating  from  their  respective 
Governments,  the  divergence  of  views  between  the 
French  and  the  other  two  Commissioners  soon  became 
apparent.  The  object  of  England  and  Spain  was  simply, 
by  occupying  a  portion  of  the  Mexican  seaboard,  to 
obtain  a  material  guarantee  for  the  redress  of  the  wrongs 
of  which  their  subjects  had  to  complain.  But  the  French 
Commissioner — evidently  with  an  eye  to  the  eventual 
introduction  of  an  Imperial  regime — refused,  on  the  pleas 
of  perverseness,  renewed  outrages,  and  general  im- 
practicability, to  hold  any  communication  with  the  Juarez 
Government  ;  and  insisted  that  the  proper  course  of 
action  on  the  part  of  the  Allied  forces  was  to  march  on 
Mexico,  the  capital.  Regarding  their  views  and  those 
of  their  French  colleague  as  utterly  irreconcilable, 
General  Prim  and  Sir  Charles  Wyke,  the  Spanish  and 
British  Commissioners,  withdrew  from  the  expedition  on 
the  parts  of  their  respective  Governments.  The  English 
and  Spanish  squadrons  put  to  sea ;  and  the  French 
expeditionary  forces,  about  6,000  strong,  remained  by 
themselves  in  Mexico. 

In  February  the  Mexican  Government  and  the  Allied 
plenipotentiaries  signed  respectively  a  preliminary  con- 
vention confirming  the  authority  of  the  President  Juarez 
and  the  maintenance  of  the  Mexican  flag.  Two  months 
elapsed  while  the  draft  of  the  treaty  was  being  sent  to 
and  returned  from  Europe,  during  which  time  the  Allied 
forces  occupied  the  towns  of  Cordova,  Orizaba,  and 
Tehuacan,  quarters  favourable  to  the  health  of  the 
troops.      But  when  at  length  the  return  of  the  treaty  was 


THE    MEXICAN    TRAGEDY  215 

signalled,  it  was  notified  that  France  declared  she  could 
not  accept  the  Convention,  as  being  '  counter  to  the 
national  dignity.' 

The  French  General  Lorencez  was  then  commissioned 
to  open  an  offensive  campaign  at  the  head  of  the  French 
expeditionary  corps,  then  in  march  towards  Mexico. 
When  approaching  the  strong  city  of  Puebla,  the  light- 
hearted  Lorencez  did  not  take  the  trouble  to  make  a 
preliminary  reconnaissance,  imagining  that  the  city  before 
him  was  friendly,  and  he  was  rudely  surprised  by  meeting 
on  May  5,  1862  with  a  vigorous  resistance  on  the  part  of 
the  Mexican  garrison  commanded  by  General  Zaragoza. 
Lorencez  sustained  a  disastrous  check  and  was  compelled 
to  retire  on  Orizaba,  where  he  was  joined  by  Marquez 
a  general  of  the  Church  Party  at  the  head  of  2,500 
men.  It  was  not,  however,  deemed  advisable  to  attempt 
a  fresh  advance  until  a  reinforcement  of  troops  should 
have  been  obtained  from  France.  When  apprised  of 
the  Puebla  repulse  the  French  Emperor  promptly 
appointed  General  Forey  to  the  chief  command  in 
Mexico,  and  hurried  him  across  the  Atlantic  with  an 
army  30,000  strong.  It  was  expected  that  a  force  so 
powerful  would  immediately  take  the  offensive  and  that 
a  vigorous  and  decisive  campaign  would  result.  In  his 
instructions  to  General  Forey  the  French  Emperor 
wrote  :  '  Our  military  honour  engaged,  the  necessities  of 
our  policy,  the  interests  of  our  industry  and  commerce, 
all  combine  to  make  it  our  duty  to  march  on  Mexico, 
boldly  to  plant  our  flag  there,  and  to  establish  either  a 
monarchy,  if  not  incompatible  with  the  national  feeling, 
or  at  least  a  Government  which  may  promise  some 
stability.'     If,    he    added,    the    respectable     portion     of 


216  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Mexican    society   should    choose    to  adopt    monarchical 
institutions,  so  much  the  better  for  all  concerned. 

Alertness,  however,  was  not  Forey's  strong  point. 
He  had  landed  in  the  end  of  September,  1862,  with 
a  fresh  and  imposing  army.  The  winter  months  are 
those  most  suited  for  military  operations  on  the  lofty 
plateaux  dividing  Orizaba  from  Mexico.  But  Forey's 
proceedings  were  so  dilatory  that  he  gave  the  Juarists 
time  to  prepare  their  defence,  to  muster  their  con- 
tingents, and  to  shelter  Puebla  behind  a  double  barrier 
of  ramparts  and  cannon.  Five  months  of  futility  passed, 
until  at  length  in  April,  1863,  the  French  army  advanced 
slowly  on  Puebla.  It  was  considered  necessary  to 
undertake  a  siege  in  regular  form.  On  March  29  Fort 
San  Xavier,  one  of  the  principal  defences  of  Puebla,  had 
been  attacked  and  taken  by  assault.  '  For  the  first  time,' 
wrote  General  Forey,  '  the  Mexicans  felt  the  points  of 
our  bayonets  ;  they  gave  way  before  the  impetuosity  of 
our  attack.'  Puebla  surrendered  on  May  18,  in  rather 
extraordinary  circumstances.  As  the  supplies  of  the 
place  were  running  short,  General  Ortega,  who  com- 
manded the  garrison,  proposed  to  capitulate,  but  on 
condition  that  the  garrison  should  be  allowed  to  march 
out  with  all  the  honours  of  war,  and  with  arms,  baggage, 
and  artillery  to  withdraw  to  the  city  of  Mexico.  General 
Forey  refused  to  accept  this  proposal ;  but  agreed  that 
the  garrison  might  leave  with  all  the  honours,  on  condi- 
tion, however,  that  they  must  march  past  the  French 
army  and  lay  down  their  arms,  remaining  prisoners 
of  war.  '  These  proposals,'  says  General  Forey  in  his 
despatch,  '  were  not  accepted  by  General  Ortega,  who 
in    the    night    between    May   16  and   17  disbanded    his 


THE    PRINCE    IMPERIAL    WHIN    AB01  T    MX    YEARS    OLD 
( From  a  miniaturi  I 


THE    MEXICAN    TRAGEDY  217 

command,  destroyed  their  weapons,  spiked  the  guns, 
blew  up  the  powder  magazines,  and  sent  me  an  envoy  to 
say  that  the  garrison  had  completed  its  defence,  and 
surrendered  at  discretion.  It  was  scarcely  daylight  when 
12,000  men,  most  of  them  without  arms  or  uniforms 
which  they  had  cast  away  in  the  streets,  surrendered  as 
prisoners  ;  and  the  officers,  numbering  from  1,000  to 
1,200,  of  whom  26  were  generals  and  200  superior 
officers,  informed  me  that  they  waited  at  the  palace  of 
the  Government ! '  Although  the  besieged  had  given 
way  and  fallen  into  panic-stricken  confusion,  the  com- 
mand nevertheless  was  given  by  Forey  to  retire  and 
abandon  the  positions  already  taken.  This  wretched 
siege  lasted  three  days  longer  than  that  of  Saragossa  ; 
and  but  for  the  fortunate  attack  on  the  fort  of  Totime- 
huacan  which  caused  the  fall  of  the  town,  preparations 
must  have  been  made  to  undergo  the  winter  in  front  of 
the  entrenchments  of  Puebla.  After  the  capitulation 
the  French  march  on  Mexico  would  certainly  have  been 
deferred  but  for  the  interposition  of  the  generals  of 
division.  This  sheer  folly  would  have  had  the  effect  of 
causing  another  siege,  for  the  city  of  Mexico  was 
surrounded  by  works  which  were  about  to  be  armed. 
Suddenly  attacked,  the  capital  made  no  resistance. 

With  the  adverse  result  of  the  defence  of  Puebla,  on 
which  he  had  expended  all  his  resources  and  in  the 
attempt  to  relieve  which  General  Comonfort  had  been 
defeated,  Juarez  had  played  his  last  card  for  the  time. 
He  fell  back  on  San  Luis  de  Potosi  and  on  June  10 
the  French  army  entered  the  capital.  In  spite  of  the 
fireworks  and  flowers  scattered  in  the  path  of  Forey,  the 
enthusiasm   was  only  factitious.     Juarez  had   not    been 


2i8  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

expelled  by  the  will  of  the  population  of  the  capital. 
The  Chief  of  the  State  had  yielded  to  force  majeure,  but 
without  compromise.  He  was  brought  down,  but  he 
never  abdicated.  He  took  with  him  into  his  retreat  the 
Republican  power,  nor  did  he  ever  allow  it  to  slip  from 
his  grasp. 

On  June  14  a  Provisional  Government  was  consti- 
tuted in  the  first  instance,  which  presently  convened  a 
'  Junta  of  Notables.'  This  assembly  was  desired  at  the 
instance  of  General  Forey  and  of  course  under  French 
auspices,  to  determine  after  due  deliberation  what  form  of 
Government  should  be  definitely  established  in  Mexico — 
the  vote  on  the  question  to  unite  at  least  two-thirds  of 
the  suffrages.  The  phantom  of  a  Junta  was  got  together 
somehow,  held  a  meeting,  and  duly  voted,  to  the  sound  of 
the  cannon  which  proclaimed  the  birth  of  the  Empire. 
The  decision  was  in  favour  of  a  monarchy  and  the  proffer 
of  the  Crown  to  the  Archduke  Maximilian.  A  Com- 
mission was  appointed  to  proceed  to  Miramar,  bearing  the 
requisite  documents  and  proffering-  the  Imperial  sceptre. 
When  the  deputation  presented  itself  at  Miramar  Maxi- 
milian hesitated — and  well  he  might  ;  for  he  could  not 
but  be  aware  that  a  burning  principle  of  resistance  against 
monarchical  institutions  was  tenaciously  maintained  by 
a  large  proportion  of  the  population  of  Mexico,  and  that 
the  aversion  of  the  people  of  the  United  States  from  this 
masterful  conversion  of  their  Republican  neighbours  to 
Imperialistic  sentiments  was  notorious.  On  the  very 
day  on  which  the  French  troops  entered  Mexico  city 
brave  old  Juarez  published  from  his  retirement  in  San 
Luis  de  Potosi  a  proclamation  bearing  the  sternest 
defiance.      '  Concentrated  on  one  point,'  so  spoke  Juarez, 


THE    MEXICAN    TRAGEDY  219 

1  the  enemy  will  be  free  on  all  others  ;  if  he  divides 
his  forces,  he  will  be  weak  everywhere.  He  will  find 
himself  compelled  to  acknowledge  that  the  Republic  is 
not  shut  up  in  the  towns  of  Mexico  and  Puebla  ;  that 
life,  the  consciousness  of  right  and  power,  the  love  of 
independence  and  democracy,  the  noble  pride  aroused 
by  the  invasion  of  our  soil  are  sentiments  common  to 
all  the  Mexican  people.'  Senor  Doblado,  a  man  of 
high  character,  was  not  less  outspoken.  '  In  the  bloody 
struggle,'  said  he,  '  in  which  we  are  now  engaged, 
there  are  only  two  camps — Mexicans  and  Frenchmen — 
invaded  and  invaders.' 

Maximilian,  as  has  been  said,  was  hesitating;  he 
at  length  made  the  declaration  that  he  would  accept  the 
proffered  Throne  only  '  on  the  condition  of  its  being 
tendered  to  him  as  the  result  of  a  truly  popular  vote  and 
secured  by  European  guarantees.'  Mexico  meanwhile 
waited.  The  French  arms  were  everywhere  successful. 
Juarez  had  been  driven  from  San  Luis  de  Potosi  and 
his  adherents  were  weak  and  scattered.  The  gallant 
General  Comonfort  had  been  slain  in  battle.  The 
Provisional  Government  was  styled  the  '  Regency  ' ;  it 
had  a  triumvirate  consisting  of  Generals  Almonte  and 
Salas,  and  the  Archbishop  of  Mexico. 

In  October,  1863,  General  Bazaine  took  the 
Command-in-Chief  out  of  the  hands  of  General  Forey, 
who  had  been  promoted  to  be  Marshal  and  had  been 
recalled  to  France  ;  he  also  assumed  the  functions  which 
had  devolved  on  M.  de  Saligny,  who  did  not  long  delay 
in  following  the  cunctatory  captor  of  Puebla.  When 
succeeding  to  the  command  Bazaine  was  preceded  by  a 
reputation  for  bravery  which  had  its  influence  over  the 


220  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Mexicans,  who  besides  were  not  indifferent  to  his  good- 
humour,  so  full  both  of  heartiness  and  polish.  They 
also  felt  flattered  by  hearing  the  French  Commander-in- 
Chief  speak  the  Spanish  language,  which  he  had  learned 
during  the  last  Spanish  war.  He  acted  with  great 
promptitude.  In  six  weeks  the  enemy  was  overthrown 
by  the  rapidity  of  his  advance.  The  Franco-Mexican 
flag  waved  on  all  the  plateaux  from  Morelia  to  San  Luis, 
towns  which  Marquez  and  Mejia  won  brilliantly  for 
the  future  Crown  ;  and  from  Mexico  to  Guadalajara, 
which  Bazaine  after  six  weeks'  rapid  marching  entered 
without  striking  a  blow.  This  was  a  campaign  entirely 
of  speed,  happily  planned  and  promptly  terminated. 
Never  since  1821,  the  date  of  its  independence,  had 
Mexico  enjoyed  a  calm  equal  to  that  which  it  experienced 
during  the  four  months  following  this  campaign  in  the 
interior. 

The  Mexican  adventure  had  been  from  the  first 
unpopular  with  the  French  people,  and  it  served  the 
enemies  of  the  Empire  as  a  weapon  against  the  Govern- 
ment. M.  Rouher,  indeed,  called  it  '  the  greatest  enter- 
prise of  the  reign '  ;  but  in  spite  of  the  reports  of  the 
splendours  and  wealth  of  Mexico  it  never  found  favour 
even  with  the  majority  of  the  Legislative  Body  which 
voted  the  expedition.  Two  sinister  influences  combined 
to  damage  the  enterprise  in  public  opinion.  The  specu- 
lators for  whom  Morny  acted  were  its  main  supporters  ; 
and  from  the  time  when  war  was  made  to  establish 
a  Catholic  Empire  in  a  continent  almost  exclusively 
Republican  the  Clerical  Party  alone  defended  it. 

Nevertheless  Maximilian  in  an  evil  hour  allowed 
himself  to    be    persuaded    into    accepting  the    Mexican 


THE    MEXICAN    TRAGEDY  221 

Crown.  A  Mexican  loan  of  fifteen  millions  sterling  was 
placed  on  the  principal  European  bourses,  but  the  con- 
ditions were  so  onerous  that  Maximilian  carried  with  him 
to  Mexico  only  a  small  portion  of  that  great  sum.  By 
the  terms  of  his  convention  with  Louis  Napoleon  of 
April  10,  1864,  it  was  arranged  that  a  French  corps  of 
25,000  men  was  to  remain  in  Mexico  until  Maximilian 
should  have  organised  an  army  of  his  own  ;  and  that  on 
the  withdrawal  of  the  French  corps  there  should  still 
remain  in  Mexico  for  six  years  longer  a  force  of  8,000 
men,  forming  a  foreign  legion  in  the  service  of  that 
Empire.  The  Emperor  of  Austria  also  gave  permission 
for  officers  of  the  Austrian  army  to  volunteer  into  the 
Mexican  foreign  legion,  retaining  for  six  years  their 
Austrian  military  rank.  In  accordance  with  the  conven- 
tion Maximilian  on  April  10,  1864  formally  accepted 
the  Mexican  Crown  ;  and  a  few  days  later  he  and  the 
Empress  with  a  large  suite  embarked  on  board  the 
Novara  frigate  for  their  new  destination,  halting  on 
their  way  to  pay  a  short  visit  to  Rome,  where  they  had 
an  interview  with  the  Pope.  On  May  28,  1864  tne 
new  Sovereigns  landed  at  Vera  Cruz,  where  their  re- 
ception was  not  propitious.  After  a  rough  journey 
from  the  coast  they  made  their  entry  into  the  capital 
on  June  12,  followed  by  a  brilliant  cortege,  and  sub- 
sequent to  a  short  sojourn  in  the  Palace  took  up 
their  permanent  residence  in  the  adjacent  chateau  of 
Chapultepec. 

On  Maximilian's  arrival  an  active  Imperialist  party, 
sincere  and  full  of  enthusiasm,  was  freely  and  spon- 
taneously formed,  captivated  by  the  personal  charm  of 
their  Majesties.     There  was  then  a  time  when  the  young 


222  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Empire,  in  spite  of  the  difficulty  which  the  task  promised, 
had  a  good  chance  for  a  great  future.  It  was  a  fortunate 
hour  for  Mexico ;  but  neither  the  monarch  nor  his 
subjects  knew  how  to  take  advantage  of  it.  Despite  the 
loyal  efforts  of  a  wife  abounding  in  illusions  which  were 
subsequently  to  be  so  painfully  dissolved,  Maximilian 
committed  numerous  errors,  because  with  his  mingled 
chivalric  and  undecided  character  he  persisted  in  fancy- 
ing that  he  was  seated  as  on  an  European  Throne.  He 
could  not  have  expected  to  conquer  a  turbulent  kingdom 
with  a  bulletin  of  laws  as  his  weapon  ;  he  should  have 
been  always  in  the  saddle,  with  sword  in  hand. 

It  cannot  be  said,  however,  that  he  was  inactive. 
During  the  autumn  of  1864  he  made  considerable 
progress  in  pacifying  the  country  and  in  endeavouring 
to  crush  the  partisans  of  Juarez,  who  were  defeated  in 
a  pitched  battle  at  Durango  in  September.  But  Maxi- 
milian had  unfortunately  incurred  the  hostility  of  the 
powerful  ecclesiastical  interests  of  the  country.  The 
settlement  of  the  mortmain  endowments  still  remained 
in  suspense.  The  Court  of  Rome  had  not  yet  consented 
to  declare  its  sentiments  ;  and  it  appeared  the  less  inclined 
to  do  so  as  Maximilian,  determined  to  uphold  the  law  of 
secularisation,  had  in  effect  repudiated  the  Clerical  Party 
to  which  he  mainly  owed  his  Crown.  This  sudden 
volte-face  had  but  little  disposed  the  Pope  to  make  any 
concessions,  for  his  Holiness  in  assisting  an  Austrian 
Archduke  to  place  himself  on  an  old  Spanish  throne  had 
expected  that  the  result  would  be  to  bring  those  distant 
lands  into  the  bosom  of  the  Church.  On  the  other  hand 
the  holders  of  the  clerical  property  professed  themselves 
anxious   for   a    settlement  favourable  to  their  interests, 


THE    MEXICAN    TRAGEDY  223 


o 


although  to  a  great  extent  their  right  of  property  had 
originated  in  fraud. 

By  the  end  of  the  year  armed  resistance  was  almost 
wholly  subdued,  while  the  French  troops  were  in  posses- 
sion of  the  country  from  the  Atlantic  to  the  Pacific.  The 
new  Empire  seemed  to  be  making  progress  towards  a 
condition  of  prosperity.  But  the  Church  question  re- 
mained unsettled,  and  Maximilian's  Liberal  proclivities 
gave  no  hope  of  a  reversal  of  the  policy  of  confiscation. 
In  December,  1864,  the  Papal  Nuncio,  Monsignor 
Meglia,  arrived  from  Rome,  to  whom  Maximilian  pre- 
sented a  settlement  of  religious  questions  on  the  basis 
of  (1)  the  supremacy  of  the  Catholic  religion  in  Mexico, 
(2)  gratuitous  religious  ministration,  (3)  the  support  of 
the  Church  at  the  cost  of  the  State,  and  (4)  the  confirma- 
tion of  the  law  under  which  the  Church  lands  had  been 
confiscated.  The  Nuncio  positively  refused  to  negotiate 
on  those  terms,  asserting  that  when  he  left  the  Vatican 
the  belief  prevailed  that  the  confiscation  of  the  Church 
lands  was  to  be  reversed.  Maximilian,  with  whom 
haughtiness  and  irritability  were  constitutional,  promptly 
ordered  his  Minister  to  submit  to  him  Bills  founded  on 
the  basis  specified  ;  and  he  presently  issued  a  decree 
reviving  an  obsolete  law  requiring  that  Pontifical  Bulls 
and  rescripts  should  receive  the  exequatur  of  the  Govern- 
ment before  publication.  The  Nuncio,  protesting  strenu- 
ously, quitted  Mexico,  whereupon  diplomatic  relations 
between  Rome  and  the  new  Empire  were  entirely  broken 
off.  No  real  progress  was  made  towards  conciliating 
the  Liberal  Party,  and  it  was  certain  that  the  measures 
specified  effectually  offended  and  estranged  the  great 
majority  of  the  Conservatives. 


224  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

At  the  beginning  of  1865  tranquillity  was  for  the 
most  part  established,  while,  as  has  been  said,  the 
French  troops  remained  in  possession  of  the  country  from 
shore  to  shore.  The  national  army  had  been  organised 
on  the  basis  of  the  schemes  proposed  and  elaborated 
by  the  military  chiefs.  The  whole  territory  had  been 
divided  into  nine  military  departments.  On  Jan.  26 
the  Emperor  signed  the  military  code  of  laws ; 
and  two  months  later  he  released  the  French  head- 
quarter staff  from  its  duties  in  a  complimentary  letter 
thanking  Marshal  Bazaine  for  his  services  in  the  re- 
organisation of  the  Mexican  army,  which  the  Minister 
of  War  had  thenceforth  to  administer.  But  Maximilian 
unfortunately  seemed  incapable  of  realising  that  he  was 
making  no  effective  advance  in  attaching  to  his  person 
and  Government  the  Mexican  nation  or  any  considerable 
portion  of  it,  and  that  he  was  still,  as  from  the  first, 
entirely  dependent  on  French  bayonets.  On  Oct.  3 
of  that  year  he  promulgated  the  ill-omened  and  sinister 
decree  which  in  its  consequences  ultimately  proved  fatal 
to  himself — the  condemnation  to  outlawry  of  all  persons 
who  thenceforward  should  be  taken  with  arms  in  their 
hands.  In  virtue  of  this  sweeping  and  outrageous 
decree  several  Juarists  were  actually  shot  by  drumhead 
courts-martial,  and  extreme  indignation  was  not  un- 
naturally aroused  by  those  summary  executions  not 
only  among  Mexican  Republicans  but  also  in  the  con- 
tiguous States  of  the  American  Union.  In  the  inten- 
tion of  Maximilian  the  decree  was  directed  only  against 
persons  whose  object  was  to  shelter  their  brigandage 
under  the  Republican  flag  ;  but  nevertheless  the  original 
minutes  of  the  fatal  decree  were  wholly  written  in  the 


\  \V<>\  E<  >N    in.    IN    1S65 


THE    MEXICAN    TRAGEDY  225 

Emperor's  own  hand.  The  date  of  its  publication 
marked  the  beginning  of  Maximilian's  progressive  ill- 
fortune.  The  Civil  War  in  the  United  States  was  now 
at  an  end  and  the  undisguised  objection  of  the  American 
people  to  the  intermeddling  of  the  French  Emperor  in 
Mexican  affairs,  hitherto  in  abeyance  during  the  war 
period,  was  beginning  to  have  vent.  In  the  course  of 
the  winter  of  1865-66  the  American  General  Sheridan 
continued  covertly  to  supply  arms  and  ammunition  to  the 
Mexican  Liberals — more  than  30,000  muskets  were  sent 
from  Baton  Rouge  Arsenal  alone  ;  and  by  midsummer 
of  1866  Juarez,  having  organised  a  considerable  army 
thanks  to  the  goodwill  of  the  North,  was  in  possession  of 
the  whole  line  of  the  Rio  Grande,  and  in  fact  of  nearly 
the  whole  of  Mexico  down  to  San  Luis  de  Potosi.  In 
his  message  to  Congress  of  Dec.  4,  1865,  President 
Johnson  had  animadverted  strongly  on  the  outrage  to 
Republican  feeling  which  the  situation  beyond  the  Rio 
Grande  presented  to  American  eyes.  He  pointed  out 
that  the  American  people  refrained  from  intervening  in 
the  affairs  of  Europe  on  the  express  condition  that  the 
European  Powers  should  not  interfere  in  the  concerns  of 
the  New  World  ;  and  he  added  with  grave  significance  : 
1  I  should  regard  it  as  a  great  calamity  to  the  peace  of 
the  world  that  any  European  Power  should  throw  down 
the  gauntlet  to  the  American  nation,  as  if  to  challenge 
it  to  the  defence  of  Republicanism  against  foreign 
intervention.'  With  continuous  steady  pressure  and  in 
terms  more  and  more  peremptory,  the  American 
Government  in  the  latter  months  of  1865  and  during 
1866  kept  urging  upon  the  French  Emperor  the 
recall   of  the    French    troops   from    Mexico.     Napoleon 

Q 


226  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

hesitated  in  face  of  the  terms  of  the  convention  of 
April  10,  1864  ;  then  he  threw  to  the  wind  his  pledged 
word  to  Maximilian.  Rendered  anxious  because  of 
the  ominous  condition  of  affairs  in  Germany  which 
threatened  to  involve  Europe  in  war,  and  reluctant  to 
force  the  United  States  to  extremities,  the  French 
Emperor  at  length  decided  to  withdraw  his  troops  from 
Mexico  as  soon  as  he  could  consistently  with  decency. 

The  year   1866  began  under  sad  auspices.      In  the 
early    part  of   January    disaffection    began    to    manifest 
itself  on  all  sides  in  the  very  heart  of  the  Empire.     The 
situation    had    become    extremely    critical.      The    State 
Treasury  was  completely  exhausted    and    the   Mexican 
army  was  calling  loudly  for  its  pay.      Maximilian  realised 
that  his  Throne  was  imperilled.     The  state  of  his  mind 
was  depicted  in  the  following  lines  :   '  I   know,'  he  wrote, 
'  that  I  have  accepted  a  singularly  difficult  task ;  but  my 
courage  is  equal  to  supporting  the  burden  and  I  will  go 
on  to  the  end.'     The  French  Government,  anxious  to 
recoup  for  itself  a  portion  of  the  expenditure  incurred  by 
the  Mexican  adventure,  was  severely  exacting  in  regard 
to  the  Imperial  loans  of  which  it  retained  considerable 
amounts.     After  the  ill-advised  decree  of  October,  1865, 
Juarez  and    his   partisans   had   been  driven  out    of  the 
settled  districts  by  the  French  troops  and  compelled  to 
resort  to  brigandage  ;  but  the  United  States  continued 
to  recognise   Juarez  as  President  of  Mexico.     Marshal 
Bazaine,    no  doubt  informed  of   Napoleon's  real   inten- 
tions,   treated    Maximilian   with    almost  open    contempt 
and   acted    in   utter  disregard   of  his   wishes.     The  in- 
surgents were  well  aware  that  the  French  Emperor  was 
tired  of   Maximilian  and  of  Mexico,   and  they  became 


Mil     EMPEROR,    EMPRESS,    AND    PRINCE    IMPERIAL 
{From  a  phot  <grapk  taken  about  1866) 


THE    MEXICAN    TRAGEDY  227 

more  daring  than  ever.  In  April,  1866,  was  pro- 
mulgated  the  decision  of  Napoleon  that  the  French 
troops  would  be  withdrawn  from  Mexico  between 
November  1866  and  November  1867.  This  decision 
was  in  utter  violation  of  the  convention  of  April  10,  1864, 
by  the  terms  of  which  it  had  been  agreed  that  the 
French  regular  forces  were  to  quit  Mexico  only  when 
Maximilian  should  have  organised  an  army  of  his  own  ; 
and  that  after  their  recall  France  should  still  let  Mexico 
have  the  services  of  8,000  men  as  a  foreign  legion. 
Scarcely  two  years  had  elapsed  when  those  engagements 
were  abruptly  broken,  and  then  Napoleon  cynically  left 
Maximilian  to  his  fate. 

The  shipwreck  of  the  Mexican  enterprise,  deservedly 
doomed  from  the  hour  of  its  inception,  was  now  almost 
within  sight.  The  efforts  to  organise  a  home  army 
failed  for  want  of  money.  Quarrels  broke  out  among  the 
foreign  adventurers  in  Maximilian's  service.  As  a  last 
despairing  resort  the  Empress  herself  went  to  Europe  in 
the  summer  of  1866,  in  the  forlorn  hope  of  attempting  to 
shake  the  determination  of  Napoleon  in  regard  to  the 
recall  of  the  French  troops  in  Mexico.  '  Vainly  did  the 
unfortunate  Empress  urge  the  arguments  of  justice, 
honour,  and  good  faith.  Louis  Napoleon  was  in  an 
ignoble  alarm  for  himself  and  his  dynasty  ;  and  neither 
tears  nor  eloquence  availed  to  alter  the  resolve  to  which 
selfish  terror  had  given  rise.  Not  only  did  he  refuse 
to  prolong  the  period  within  which  the  troops  were  to 
be  withdrawn ;  he  brusquely  informed  Charlotte  that 
their  departure  would  be  hastened  and  that  they  would 
be  withdrawn  in  the  beginning  of  1867.  This  cruel 
announcement  seemed  to  close  out  all  hope  ;  the  brain  of 

Q  2 


228  LIFE   OF    NAPOLEON    III 

the  poor  brave  woman  reeled ;  she  went  to  Rome,  and  there 
during  an  interview  with  the  Pope  her  reason  gave  way.' 
In  the  latter  months  of  1866  the  malcontents  made 
rapid  progress.     As  Marshal  Bazaine  gradually  concen- 
trated  his    troops    in    the    capital    previous    to   quitting 
Mexican    ground,     the    Juarists    followed    closely    and 
occupied    province    after    province.      Napoleon    having 
determined  to  leave  Maximilian  to  his  fate  was  desirous, 
on  account  of  the  heavy  expenses  of  the  expedition,  of 
saving    from    the    wreck   as    much    as    possible  for  the 
benefit  of  the  French   Treasury.      In  October  General 
Castelnau,  sent  by  Napoleon,  arrived  with  instructions 
to  urge  Maximilian  to  abdicate  ;  and  also  to  treat  with 
some  Mexican  chief  who,  in  return  for  the  possession  of 
supreme  power,  would  undertake  the  financial  engage- 
ments with  the  French  Treasury  in  which  Maximilian 
had    failed.      The    arrival    of    Castelnau    impressed    on 
Maximilian  the  conviction  that  he  was  definitively  to  be 
abandoned,   and  he  quitted  the  capital   for  Orizaba   on 
Oct.   21,  in   order  to  avoid  General  Castelnau.     When 
the  courier  from  Europe  brought  him  the  heart-rending 
details  of  the  sad  condition  of  the  Empress,  he  retired 
to  the   Hacienda  la  Jalapilla,  a  retreat  adjacent  to   the 
town  of  Orizaba.     A  portion  of  the   Imperial  baggage 
had  already  actually  been  sent  on  board   the  Austrian 
frigate    Dandolo    anchored    in    the    roadstead   of   Vera 
Cruz;  but  he  was  still  a  prey  to  hesitation.      He  could 
not  make  up  his  mind  to  take  any  decided   course,   so 
great  was  the  vacillation  of  his  character  and  the  extent 
of  his  reluctance.      Probably  he    was   finally  influenced 
in  some  measure  by  a  despatch  forwarded  from  Vienna 
to  the  Austrian  Ambassador  to  Mexico,  which  forbade 


THE    MEXICAN    TRAGEDY  229 

the  Archduke  to  set  foot  on  Austrian  soil  if  he  returned 
to  Europe  bearing  the  title  of  Emperor.  Yet  he  was 
preparing  to  set  sail  for  Europe  without  intention  of 
return,  when  a  letter  from  M.  Eloin,  the  Belgian  Coun- 
cillor, was  handed  to  him.  Its  tenor  was  such  that 
Maximilian,  disregarding  all  the  perils  before  him  and 
obeying  only  the  voice  of  ambition,  again  grasped  the 
reins  of  power  ;  and,  having  resolved  to  commit  himself 
into  the  hands  of  the  Clerical  Party  who  promised  him 
both  men  and  money,  he  prepared  to  make  an  appeal 
to  the  Mexican  people.  On  Dec.  8  Bazaine,  Castelnau, 
and  Dano  the  French  Minister  presented  themselves 
to  Maximilian,  strongly  urging  him  to  abdicate  ;  but  he 
had  taken  his  line  and  would  not  leave  it.  An  instruc- 
tion from  the  French  Emperor  to  Castelnau  proves  that 
Napoleon  was  utterly  indifferent  as  to  the  fate  of 
Maximilian,  and  cynically  thought  only  of  saving  appear- 
ances. 'To  treat  with  Juarez,'  he  wrote,  'would  look 
too  much  like  a  defeat.  Arrange  with  Bazaine  and 
Dano    in    order   to    obtain    promptly    the   abdication  of 

Maximilian Make    all    necessary   arrangements 

to  embark  the  troops  in  February  or  March  (1867). 
To  sum  up,  I  see  by  your  letter  that  you  have  quite 
understood  my  intentions,  which  are  to  leave  Mexico  as 
soon  as  practicable,  while  protecting  our  dignity  and 
French  interests  as  much  as  possible.' 

On  his  return  to  the  capital  Maximilian  abandoned 
the  Palace  of  Chapultepec  for  a  modest  viila  just  out- 
side the  city.  In  November  and  December,  1866,  the 
French  troops  were  all  concentrated  at  Mexico  and 
Vera  Cruz  ;  in  January,  1867,  the  embarkation  was 
begun    and    it  was  completed    in    February.      Now    his 


230  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

own  master,  Maximilian  acted  with  energy.  Early 
in  January  he  had  sent  General  Miramon  with  6,000 
men  into  the  northern  provinces  on  the  errand  of 
repelling  the  advancing  Juarists.  But  Miramon  was 
utterly  defeated  in  the  battle  of  San  Jacinto  (Jan.  27), 
and  with  the  remnants  of  his  broken  army  he  fell  back 
on  Potosi,  whence  with  about  3,000  men  he  withdrew 
into  the  fortified  city  of  Queretaro,  distant  about  130 
miles  north-west  of  the  capital,  already  occupied  by 
General  Mejia.  Maximilian,  advancing  from  Mexico 
with  6,000  men,  joined  Miramon  and  Mejia  in  Queretaro, 
having  left  the  Austrian  legion  to  hold  and  protect  the 
capital.  On  Feb.  19  he  finally  entered  Queretaro,  where 
he  was  presently  besieged  by  the  Liberal  forces  under 
the  command  of  General  Escobedo.  Maximilian's 
environed  army  stood  stoutly  on  the  defensive,  and  also 
made  many  gallant  sorties  in  which  the  Emperor  took 
part ;  but  he  did  not  succeed  in  compelling  the  Juarists 
to  relinquish  the  siege.  Provisions  began  to  fall  short 
and  on  March  17  Maximilian  sent  out  a  strong  detach- 
ment commanded  by  General  Marquez,  Chief  of  the 
Staff,  with  orders  to  return  with  reinforcements  and 
supplies.  Marquez,  indeed,  cut  his  way  through  the 
hostile  lines,  but  he  never  returned  to  Queretaro. 
Having  occupied  the  capital  and  gathered  to  his  standard 
the  garrison  of  that  city,  instead  of  hastening  to  the  relief 
of  the  beleaguered  Maximilian,  Marquez  marched  to- 
wards Puebla  with  the  intention  of  raising  the  siege  of 
that  place,  which  was  being  hard  pressed  by  Porfirio 
Diaz  ;  but  on  learning  that  Puebla  had  fallen  he  retraced 
his  steps.  Before  he  could  reach  Mexico  he  was 
attacked  by  the  Juarists  at  San  Lorenzo  on  April  1,  and 


THE    MEXICAN    TRAGEDY  231 

was  defeated  after  three  days  of  irregular  fighting.  With 
the  remains  of  his  army  he  re-entered  Mexico,  where  he 
assumed  supreme  power  as  Lieutenant-General  of  the 
Empire. 

In    Queretaro   after   March    24   there    remained    no 
more  meat.     The  garrison  held  out  manfully ;  but  scanty 
rations,    constant    fighting,    and    the  duty    of  continual 
harassing  watchfulness  had  cruelly  reduced  its  strength. 
On  May   14  it  was  decided  in  a  council  of  war  presided 
over  by  the  Emperor  that  a  general  assault  should  be 
made  against  the  lines  of  the  besiegers,  that  being  the 
only  alternative  to  death  by  hunger.     On  the  same  night, 
however,   whether   by    negligence  or,  as  was    generally 
believed,    by    the    treason    of    Colonel    Lopez,    Juarist 
soldiers    gained   admission  within    the    town,   which  by 
dawn  of  the  following  morning  was    in  full  possession 
of  the  enemy.      Maximilian,  Miramon,  and   Mejia  were 
made  prisoners.     The  fate  of  the   fallen    Emperor  was 
not   long  delayed.     The  representatives  of  the  foreign 
Powers  at  Washington  entreated  the  intervention  of  the 
United  States  to  save  the  life  of  Maximilian  ;  and  Mr. 
Seward  did  intervene  accordingly,  but  without  favour- 
able result.     The  Juarists  observed  duly  the  forms  and 
ceremony  usual  with  civilised  nations  ;    they  appointed 
with  no  indecent  haste  the  day  for  the  trial  of  the  fallen 
Emperor,  and  he  had  the  advantage  of  the  services  of 
two    eminent   Mexican   advocates.       His  trial  by  court- 
martial  was  held  at  Queretaro,  and  on  June  13  he  was 
condemned    to  death.     On  the   19th    the    sentence  was 
carried  into  execution.      Maximilian  confronted  the  firing 
party  with  calm  fortitude,  and  met  his  death  like  a  hero. 
The  following  particulars  taken  from  the  diary  of  Prince 


232  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Salm-Salm,  who  was  the  Emperor's  aide-de-camp  and 
who  later  met  a  soldier's  death  in  the  battle  of  Gravelotte, 
may  be  read  with  interest  :  '  The  Emperor  had  attended 
mass  and  received  the  last  sacraments  early  in  the  morn- 
ing, and  had  afterwards  been  brought  up  in  a  fiacre, 
attended  only  by  the  priest  Father  Soria  and  his 
Hungarian  servant  Tudos,  to  the  place  of  execution,  a 
rocky  hill  outside  the  town,  called  Cerro  de  la  Campana. 
Miramon  and  Mejia  were  placed  beside  him.  An  officer 
and  seven  men  now  stepped  forward  till  within  a  few 
paces  before  each  of  the  three  condemned.  The  Em- 
peror went  up  to  those  before  him,  gave  each  soldier 
his  hand  and  a  Maximilian  louis  d'or  (twenty  pesos),  and 
said:  " Muchachos !  (boys  !)  aim  well.  Aim  right  here," 
pointing  to  his  heart.  Then  he  returned  to  his  stand, 
took  off  his  hat,  and  wiped  his  forehead  with  his  hand- 
kerchief. This  and  his  hat  he  gave  to  Tudos,  with  the 
order  to  take  them  to  his  mother  the  Archduchess 
Sophia.  Then  he  spoke  with  a  clear  and  firm  voice  the 
following  words  : 

'  "  Mexicans !  persons  of  my  rank  and  origin  are 
destined  by  God  either  to  be  benefactors  of  the  people 
or  to  be  martyrs.  Called  by  a  great  part  of  you,  I  came 
hither  for  the  good  of  the  country.  Ambition  did  not 
bring  me  here  ;  I  came  animated  with  the  best  wishes 
for  the  future  of  my  adopted  country  and  for  that  of 
my  soldiers,  whom  I  thank,  before  my  death,  for  the 
sacrifices  they  have  made  for  me.  Mexicans !  may  my 
blood  be  the  last  which  shall  be  spilt  for  the.  welfare  of 
the  country  ;  and  if  it  be  necessary  that  its  sons  should 
still  shed  their  blood,  may  it  flow  for  its  good,  but  never 
for  treason.      Viva  independencia  !      Viva  Mexico  !  ' 


THE    MEXICAN    TRAGEDY  233 

'  Looking  around,  the  Emperor  noticed  not  far  from 
him  a  group  of  men  and  women  who  sobbed  aloud.  He 
looked  at  them  with  a  mild  and  friendly  smile  ;  then 
he  laid  both  his  hands  on  his  breast  and  looked  forward. 
Five  shots  were  fired  and  the  Emperor  fell  on  his  right 
side,  whispering  slowly  the  word  "  Hombre."  All  the 
bullets  had  pierced  his  body  and  each  of  them  was 
deadly ;  but  the  Emperor  still  moved  slightly.  The 
officer  laid  him  on  his  back  and  pointed  with  his  sword 
to  Maximilian's  heart.  A  soldier  then  stepped  forward 
and  sent  another  bullet  into  the  spot  indicated.' 

The  resistance  of  Marquez  could  not  be  prolonged 
after  Maximilian's  death,  and  Mexico  opened  its  gates  to 
the  Juarists  on  June  20.  The  Liberals  used  their  victory 
with  moderation.  No  excesses  were  committed,  no  vin- 
dictive excesses  were  authorised.  The  Europeans  who 
had  become  prisoners  of  war  were  well  treated  and 
finally  set  at  liberty.  Juarez  was  definitively  re-elected 
President  of  the  Mexican  Republic  in  October  1867. 

The  tidings  of  the  execution  of  the  Emperor  Maxi- 
milian reached  the  Tuileries  on  July  2,  while  the  distri- 
bution of  awards  at  the  Great  Exhibition  of  1867  was 
in  progress.  One  authority  states  that  the  proceedings 
were  interrupted  and  that  the  Emperor  and  Empress 
were  stricken  with  deep  sorrow.  Another  chronicler 
has  it  that  the  Court  went  into  deep  mourning ;  that 
on  the  14th  a  mass  was  performed  in  the  chapel  of  the 
Tuileries  for  the  repose  of  the  soul  of  Maximilian  ;  and 
that  on  Aug.  4  the  Emperor  and  Empress,  having 
thrown  off  their  mourning,  went  to  the  theatre  to  see 
Mr.  Sothern  play  '  Lord  Dundreary.' 

Maximilian's  body  was  embalmed  by  his  friends  and 


234  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

adherents  and  sent  to  Europe  on  board  the  frigate 
Novara,  the  same  ship  which  three  years  previously 
had  conveyed  him  to  this  new  Empire,  the  short-lived 
possession  of  the  Throne  of  which  had  cost  him  his  life. 
The  remains  reached  his  family  in  the  following  year 
and  were  pompously  buried  in  January  1868,  in  the 
Imperial  vault  under  the  Church  of  the  Capuchins  in  the 
New  Market  of  Vienna,  among  the  metal  coffins  of  the 
dead  Hapsburgs  from  Matthias  (1619)  to  Maria  Theresa, 
the  Emperor  Joseph  II.,  Marie  Louise  and  her  son  the 
Duke  of  Reichstadt,  and  many  others.  The  Empress 
Charlotte  lives  partly  in  the  solitude  of  Laeken,  partly 
in  her  villa  of  Miramar  near  Trieste. 


235 


CHAPTER   XII 

CONSTITUTIONAL    REFORMS SADOWA   AND  LUXEMBURG 

The  Treaty  of  Cession  of  Savoy  and  Nice  was  signed 
in  March,  i860.     Cavour  signed  it  only  on  a  threat  that 
if  he  refused  the  French  troops  would  occupy  Bologna 
and  Florence.      In  the  same  month  the  feeling  against 
the  French   Emperor  ran   so  high   in   English   political 
circles  that  the  Queen  wrote  to  Lord  John  Russell  that 
she  feared  lest  ere  long  the  union  of  Europe  for  safety 
against    a    common    enemy    might    become    a   painful 
necessity.      Lord  Palmerston  left  no  doubt  in  the  minds 
of  the   people    as    to    the    quarter  whence    they    might 
apprehend  invasion.       In  demanding  a  subsidy  of  nine 
millions   sterling    for   purposes    of   fortification    he    said 
(July  23):    '  The  horizon  is  charged  with  clouds  which 
betoken  the  likelihood  of  a  tempest.     The  Committee  of 
course  knows  that,  in  the  main,    I   am  speaking  of  our 
immediate  neighbours  across  the  Channel,  and  there  is 
no  use  in  disguising  it.'      In  view  of  England's  defensive 
preparations,  the  increase  of  her  navy,  and  the  creation 
of  a    volunteer   force — not    to    speak    of  an    European 
coalition    against    the     French     Empire — all     idea     of 
lightening    the    burdens  of  France  by  the  reduction  of 
her  military  budget  appeared  impossible.     The  Emperor 
protested,  but  in  vain,  that  he  had  no  dreams  of  conquest 


236  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

and  no  intention  of  marching  on  the  Rhine.  But  Lord 
John  Russell  delivered  a  strong  anti-Gallican  speech  in 
the  House  of  Commons,  in  which  he  described  the 
annexation  of  Savoy  as  an  aggression  which  might  lead 
the  warlike  French  nation  '  to  call  on  its  Government  to 
commit  other  acts  of  aggression,'  and  he  declared  that 
the  policy  of  England  should  be  to  seek  fresh  alliances. 
Count  Persigny  the  French  Ambassador  in  London,  and 
the  Emperor's  kinsman  the  Comte  de  Flahault,  warned  the 
English  Government  that  this  language  might  precipitate 
war  by  aggravating  the  mutual  irritation  between  the 
two  countries.  The  danger,  however,  was  averted  when 
Lord  John  stated  later  that  as  the  French  Emperor  had 
undertaken  to  consult  the  European  Powers  regarding 
the  neutralised  portions  of  Savoy,  the  question  might  be 
regarded  as  satisfactorily  settled.  But  although  Lord 
Palmerston  had  written  in  January  that  'there  was  no 
ground  for  imputing  to  Napoleon  unsteadiness  of  purpose 
in  regard  to  his  views  about  Italy,'  the  idea  had  become 
fixed  in  the  mind  of  the  English  Premier  that  the  French 
Emperor  was  working  his  way  to  an  opportunity  for 
avenging  Waterloo. 

It  was  scarcely  a  favourable  time,  when  the  two 
nations  were  on  unfriendly  terms,  for  settling  between 
them  the  terms  of  an  international  commercial  treaty. 
But  this  great  work,  thanks  to  the  devoted  exertions 
of  Mr.  Cobden  and  to  the  patience  and  intelligence  of 
the  Emperor,  became  an  accomplished  fact  in  i860. 
The  broad  lines  of  the  famous  treaty  may  be  shortly 
stated.  France  undertook  to  reduce  all  duties  on 
English  manufactures  30  per  cent,  as  a  maximum  and  on 
English  coal  and  coke  to  fifteen  centimes  the   100  kilo- 


CONSTITUTIONAL    REFORMS  237 

grammes.  England  abolished  duties  on  French  manu- 
factures, and  reduced  the  duty  on  wines  to  one  shilling 
a  gallon,  rising  to  two  in  proportion  to  alcoholic  strength. 
The  most-favoured-nation  clause  gave  to  each  country 
the  benefit  of  any  reduction  or  remission  of  duty  either 
might  grant  to  a  third  Power.  The  treaty  was  signed 
for  ten  years,  and  within  those  ten  years  the  value  of 
imports  from  France  to  England  was  more  than 
doubled. 

A  meeting  of  the  French  Emperor  with  the  Prince- 
Regent  of  Prussia  (later  Kaiser  William  I.)  and  with  the 
Sovereigns  of  Germany  then  at  Baden-Baden,  took  place 
there  on  June  16,  i860.  The  Emperor  at  once  explained 
that  he  had  sought  the  interview  as  an  earnest  of  his 
pacific  intentions  and  to  dispel  the  excitement  which  an 
apprehension  regarding  his  designs  on  a  portion  of  their 
country  had  given  rise  to  among  the  Germans.  Nothing, 
he  said,  could  be  further  from  his  thoughts  than  to  dis- 
sever any  territory  from  Germany  and  incorporate  it  with 
France.  So  clamorous,  however,  remarked  the  Emperor, 
had  been  the  outcry  of  the  German  Press,  that  some- 
thing must  be  done  to  convince  Germany  of  his  sincerity. 
What  form  should  this  take  ?  Nothing  could  be  easier, 
was  the  reply.  Most  of  the  German  Sovereigns  were 
then  in  Baden.  Let  the  Emperor  tell  them  what  he  had 
told  the  Prince-Regent,  and  the  news  of  his  desire  to 
refrain  from  disturbing  Germany  would  speedily  permeate 
the  country.  While  the  guest  of  the  Grand  Duke  at 
Baden  the  Emperor  met  in  the  course  of  a  single  day 
the  Kings  of  Wurtemberg,  Bavaria,  Saxony  and 
Hanover,  the  Grand  Dukes  of  Hesse-Darmstadt  and 
Saxe-Weimar,  the  Dukes  of  Nassau  and  Saxe-Coburg- 


238  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Gotha,  and  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern.  It  was  quite  a 
'  parterre  of  Princes.'  When  the  Emperor  returned  to 
Paris  on  the  19th,  the  '  Moniteur'  announced  that  'his 
spontaneous  mission  of  peace  and  goodwill  would  tend 
to  consolidate  the  peace  of  Europe.' 

On  June  24  of  this  year  died  the  ex-King  Jerome, 
the  last  surviving  brother  of  Napoleon  the  Great.  In 
the  autumn  the  Emperor  made  a  progress  through  his 
recent  acquisitions  of  Savoy  and  Nice  and  paid  a  visit 
to  the  cradle  of  his  race  in  Corsica.  The  year  ended 
sadly — in  September  the  Empress  lost  her  beloved 
sister,  the  Duchess  of  Alba ;  and  in  the  winter,  because 
of  domestic  disagreements  the  Empress  made  a  journey 
to  Scotland.  She  visited  the  Queen  (Dec.  4),  who 
recorded  in  her  diary  :  '  She  looked  thin  and  pale  .  .  . 
as  amiable  and  natural  as  ever.' 

In  the  autumn  of  i860  the  Emperor  communicated 
to  M.  Rouher  his  resolution  to  liberalise  the  Parlia- 
mentary methods  of  the  Empire.  The  important  step 
by  which  he  intended  to  institute  debates  on  the 
Address,  and  to  make  other  considerable  advances 
towards  a  free  Constitutional  Government,  was  stubbornly 
resisted  by  the  adviser  in  whom  he  had  the  fullest  trust. 
M.  Rouher  believed  that  public  opinion  neither  expected 
nor  desired  Constitutional  Reform,  and  that  the  Sovereign 
in  endeavouring  to  disarm  the  opposition  of  a  few  irre- 
concilables  was  running  the  risk  of  reducing  that  strength 
which  the  Imperial  Government  undoubtedly  possessed 
with  the  consent  of  the  immense  majority  of  the  country. 
The  Emperor,  on  the  other  hand,  insisted  that  the  time 
had  come  to  give  the  Senate  and  the  Legislative  Body 
liberty  to  reply  frankly,  after  a  free  debate,  to  the  speech 


THE    DUC    DE    MORNY,    HALE-BROTHER   TO    NAPOLEON    III. 
(From  a  lithograph) 


CONSTITUTIONAL    REFORMS  239 

of  the  Sovereign  at  the  opening  of  the  session  ;  and  he 
resolved  to  select  two  Ministers  who  should  act  as  the 
exponents  of  the  Government  policy.  M.  Billault  was 
ultimately  given  the  position  of  chief  spokesman  for  the 
Government  in  both  Chambers — a  position  filled  by  him 
with  consummate  tact  and  force  until  his  death  in 
October,  1863.  The  Government  was  unquestionably 
strong  at  the  commencement  of  the  new  departure. 
Persigny  was  Minister  of  the  Interior,  Forcade  la 
Roquette  was  Minister  of  Finance,  Thouvenel  was 
Foreign  Minister,  Baroche  was  president  of  the  Council 
of  State,  Walewski  was  Minister  of  State,  and  Rouher 
held  the  portfolio  of  Agriculture  and  Commerce.  Morny 
since  1854  had  been  the  skilful  and  accomplished  Presid- 
ent of  the  Corps  Legislatif.  Inclined  by  education  in 
favour  of  Parliamentary  Government  he  approved  of  the 
new  order  of  things  ;  and  Captain  Bingham  truly  remarks 
that  his  commanding  intellectual  resources  would  have 
achieved  for  him  lasting  fame  had  his  public  services  not 
been  tarnished  by  the  private  vices  causing  his  premature 
death,  which  occurred  on  March  10,  1865,  after  a  brief 
illness.  He  had  lived  a  profligate  and  reckless  life,  and 
when  his  end  was  near  he  had  to  choose  between 
renouncing  the  pleasures  and  sins  of  the  world  and  a 
sudden  ending.  He  chose  the  latter.  Shortly  before  he 
died  he  received  a  visit  from  the  Emperor,  who  found 
the  Comte  de  Flahault  by  the  bedside  of  his  wayward 
son.  The  Comte  had  been  the  lover  of  Queen  Hortense, 
the.  mother  of  Napoleon  III.  ;  Morny  was  therefore  the 
half-brother  of  Louis  Napoleon  ;  yet  the  brothers  by  the 
mother's  side  had  never  met  until  a  short  time  before 
the  Coup  d Etat.     The  Prince  made  Morny  Minister  of 


24o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

the  Interior  ;  but  he  resigned  that  position  when  his  half- 
brother  the  Prince-President  confiscated  the  property  of 
the  Orleans  family.  Subsequently  he  became  President 
of  the  Chamber,  where  he  was  in  his  element.  He  was 
not  only  a  man  of  great  natural  politeness,  but  there  was 
also  an  indefinable  charm  in  his  manner  which  disarmed 
faction.  His  personal  appearance  was  greatly  in  his 
favour ;  he  was  distinguished  rather  than  handsome. 
He  was  succeeded  as  President  of  the  Chamber  by 
Count  Walewski,  a  natural  son  of  the  first  Napoleon  by 
a  Polish  lady. 

The  experiment  of  the  license  of  speech  permitted 
under  the  constitutional  regime  evoked  the  dangers  which 
might  have  been  anticipated.  The  session  of  1861  was 
marked  by  the  violence  of  the  active  Parliamentary 
Opposition  which  the  new  prerogatives  called  into 
existence.  The  Emperor  was  painfully  impressed  by 
the  uncompromising  tone  of  the  Opposition  speeches  ; 
but,  although  disappointed,  he  was  resolute  to  persevere 
in  the  policy  of  Liberalism.  Taking  account  of  an 
Opposition  numerically  insignificant  but  formidable 
because  of  the  distinguished  men  it  included,  the 
Emperor  strengthened  the  hands  of  M.  Billault  by 
creating  in  him  a  Minister  of  State  who  should  be 
in  reality  First  Minister  ;  in  whom  the  policy  of 
the  Government  should  be  centralised,  who  should  be 
responsible  for  all  the  departments  of  the  Administration 
to  the  Emperor,  and  who  should  be  able  to  speak  with 
full  authority  for  the  Sovereign  and  the  Government 
before  the  Senate  and  the  Legislative  Body.  At  the 
same  time  M.  Rouher  was  invested  with  the  functions  of 
President  of  the  Council   of  State.     This  arrangement, 


CONSTITUTIONAL    REFORMS  241 

in  effect,  was  the  beginning  of  a  system  of  Ministers 
responsible  to  the  Chambers.  But  M.  Billault  did  not 
live  to  assume  the  new  functions  confided  to  him. 
That  strong  and  brilliant  statesman  died  suddenly 
on  Oct.  13,  1863.  He  was  succeeded  by  M.  Rouher, 
who  thenceforth  became  the  Emperor's  most  powerful 
subject  and  supporter. 

The  powerful  Opposition  of  the  new  Chamber  gave 
the  Government  an  immediate  indication  of  its  hostile 
temper.  In  the  opening  speech  of  the  session  of  1865 
the  Emperor  complained  of  the  revolutionary  harangues 
in  the  Corps  Legislatif  and  the  agitation  outside,  by 
which  his  advances  had  been  met.  He  exhorted  the 
Senators  and  Deputies  to  oppose  the  supporters  of 
changes  suggested  with  the  sole  object  of  sapping  the 
foundations  of  the  edifice.  In  March,  M.  Ollivier 
appealed  to  the  Government  now  that  it  was  firmly 
established,  to  grant  to  the  people  political  liberty  as 
well  as  civil  liberty.  '  While,'  said  he,  '  it  was  foolish 
to  yield  to  clamour,  it  was  dangerous  to  postpone  con- 
cessions until  popular  anger  had  been  aroused.  Now 
was  the  right  moment — neither  too  soon  nor  too  late.' 
M.  Thiers  followed  with  a  description  of  the  liberties 
requisite  for  true  national  freedom.  For  himself,  he 
required  personal  liberty,  electoral  liberty,  free  speech, 
and  a  free  Press  ;  these  constituted  his  '  missionaries 
of  liberty.'  Those  phrases  were  caught  up  and  bandied 
about.  The  time  for  the  attack  was  ill-chosen  ;  for  so 
complete  was  the  freedom  of  the  working  classes  to 
combine  that  Paris  was  without  cabs  owing  to  a  strike  of 
the  cabmen.  This  episode  occurred  when  the  Emperor 
was  making  a  tour  in  Algeria  in   1865.     The   Empress, 

R 


242  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

who  was  acting  as  Regent,  was  implored  to  interfere  in 
order  to  compel  the   cabmen  to  resume  work  ;  but  she 
resolutely  declined  to  meddle  with  the  liberty  which  had 
just  been  granted.     In  the  session  of  1866  MM.  Buffet 
and  Thiers  were  the  chief  spokesmen  of  the  Opposition  ; 
and  they  asked  for  nothing  that  should  not  have  been 
granted  or  which  the  Emperor  was  not  anxious  to  grant 
to    loyal     men.      But    the    six    years    of    constitutional 
government  had  developed,  not  reform,  but  the  sinister 
purposes  of  a  masked  revolutionary  party.     The  result 
as  a  whole  disappointed  the  Emperor,  and  he  betrayed 
his   chagrin  when  in  his  reply  to  the  address  of   1866 
he  said  significantly  :   '  We  are  in  quest  of  that  liberty 
which    enlightens    and    discusses    the    conduct    of    the 
Government,   and  not  that  which   becomes   an   arm   to 
undermine  and  destroy  it.' 

The  part  taken  by  France  and  England  in  the 
negotiations  preceding  and  following  the  invasion  of 
Denmark  by  the  Austrians  and  Prussians  was  not 
creditable  to  either.  It  was  proposed  that  the  two 
Powers  should  offer  mediation  on  the  basis  of  the  treaty 
engagements  of  1852.  A  declinature  on  the  part  of 
Germany  was  to  be  met  by  a  British  squadron  at 
Copenhagen  and  a  French  army  corps  on  the  Rhine 
frontier  ;  but  to  this  proposal  both  France  and  Russia 
declined  to  agree.  The  Emperor  Napoleon  was  in  no 
mood  to  accept  suggestions  from  the  English  Ministers, 
having  in  his  mind  the  defeat  of  the  Congress  he  had 
proposed — a  defeat  which  was  in  the  main  their  work. 
He  met  the  proposal  of  England  with  cold  reserve  when 
she  suddenly  turned  to  him  to  co-operate  with  her.  In 
June    the    British   Government    applied   to  the    French 


CONSTITUTIONAL    REFORMS  243 

Emperor  a  second  time  to  co-operate  actively  in  defence 
of  the  Danes.  The  Emperor  again  declined  the  terms 
offered  by  England,  but  tendered  his  moral  support. 
The  comparatively  petty  share  of  France  in  those 
transactions  must  be  attributed  in  great  part  to  the  state 
of  the  Emperor's  health,  as  well  as  to  the  condition 
of  perplexity  and  mistrust  in  which  the  failure  of  the 
Congress  had  left  him.  When  in  June  Lord  Cowley 
pressed  him  to  go  to  war  in  alliance  with  England,  the 
Emperor  was  suffering  acutely  from  the  cruel  disease 
the  character  of  which  his  physicians  long  misunder- 
stood. He  hesitated  to  commit  the  fortunes  of  his 
country  and  his  dynasty  to  the  issues  of  a  great  war, 
and  the  English  Government  took  advantage  of  his 
characteristic  indecision  to  declare  in  Parliament  that 
since  France  would  not  fight  for  the  treaty  of  1852 
England  must  decline  to  enter  single-handed  into  the 
fray. 

The  future  of  the  Elbe  Duchies  was  being  played 
pitch-and-toss  with  for  the  best  part  of  a  year  ;  but  the 
details  of  the  nefarious  game  were  too  intricate  to 
be  followed  here.  The  Gastein  Convention  signed  on 
Aug.  14,  1865,  provided  that  Austria  should  sell  to  Prussia 
the  Duchy  of  Lauenburg  for  2,500,000  thalers  ;  thus 
making  market  of  rights  of  which  she  was  but  a  trustee 
for  the  German  Confederation.  The  Confederation  was 
naturally  offended  by  this  trafficking  ;  and  the  Prussian 
Parliament  denounced  the  transaction  for  which  it 
assumed  that  Prussia  would  have  to  find  the  cash.  But 
King  William  drew  this  sting  from  his  refractory 
Commons  ;    he  paid  Austria  for  Lauenburg  out  of  his 

own  private  purse. 

r  2 


244  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

The  Convention  of  Gastein  was  but  a  truce.  Mean« 
while,  since  Bismarck  was  not  yet  certain  of  the 
neutrality  of  France  nor  his  alliance  with  Italy  complete, 
he  repaired  to  Biarritz  to  feel  the  pulse  of  the  French 
Emperor. 

Mr.  Jerrold,  in  this  matter,  is  not  so  accurate  as 
usual.  He  says  that  '  the  Emperor  was  in  no  mood  to 
enter  into  fresh  complications  '  ;  that  'the  Emperor  was 
favourable  to  the  formation  of  a  powerful  Prussia  '  ;  that 
'  above  all,  he  desired  to  finish  his  work  as  the  emanci- 
pator of  Italy'  ;  and  that  'it  was  on  this  desire  that 
Bismarck  worked  to  obtain  his  alliance  with  Victor 
Emanuel  and  to  ensure  the  neutrality  of  France  in  the 
event  of  a  war  between  Prussia  and  Austria.'  He  adds  : 
'  The  Emperor  was  sick  in  mind  and  body,  and  he  was 
served  by  negotiators  who  were  pigmies  in  the  hands  of 
the  Minister  of  King  William.  He  was  a  dreamer,  of 
benevolent  intentions  ;  and  he  permitted  an  unscrupulous 
rival  to  outwit  him,  to  use  him,  to  cheat  him,  and  at 
length  to  overcome  him.' 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  it  is  difficult  to  particularise  the 
dark,  shifting,  and  tortuous  policy  pursued  by  the 
Emperor  Napoleon  during  all  this  momentous  time. 
The  irritable  jealousy  of  the  French  nation  had  been 
aroused  by  the  success  of  the  Prussian  arms  against 
Denmark  ;  a  Protestant  Power  was  bidding  fair  to  rally 
all  Germany  round  itself,  and  to  contest  the  palm  of 
Continental  supremacy  with  France.  The  speech  of 
May  3,  1866,  delivered  by  Thiers  in  the  Corps  Legislatif 
betrayed  an  arrogant  bitterness  against  the  designs  and 
ambition  of  Prussia  which  excited  a  wild  hurricane  of 
applause.     The  Emperor  himself  was  not  so  effusive  ; 


THE    EUROPEAN    EQUILIBRIUM       245 

he  even  assumed  a  regard  for  the  Power  whose  expansion 
he  desired  to  limit.  His  policy,  according  to  Louis 
Napoleon  himself,  aimed  at  '  the  preservation  of  the 
European  equilibrium  and  the  maintenance  of  the  work 
which  we  have  helped  to  raise  in  Italy ' — '  Italy  shall  be 
free  from  the  Alps  to  the  Adriatic  ! ' 1  And  how  did 
Napoleon  proceed  to  attempt  the  preservation  of  the 
balance  of  power  ?  By  setting  Prussia  and  Austria  at 
daggers  drawn  and  by  attempting  to  reap  the  profits  of 
their  quarrel,  in  the  shape,  for  instance,  of  the  left  bank 
of  the  Rhine.  Should  he  aid  Prussia  to  accomplish  her 
purposes,  that  might  be  the  price  of  his  assistance. 
Should  Prussia  be  beaten  by  Austria — and  he  sincerely 
hoped  and  believed  she  would — then  he  might  claim  the 
same  or  some  such  territory  as  the  equivalent  for  his 
intervention  in  favour  of  the  defeated.  It  was  true  that 
Napoleon,  like  another  Iago  feigning  horror  at  the 
brawl  between  Cassio  and  Roderigo,  made  a  show  of 
proposing  that  they  should  submit  their  quarrel  to  a 
European  Congress  at  Paris — a  proposal  which,  though 
accepted  by  Prussia,  was  virtually  rejected  by  her  rival ; 
but  he  had  previously  plied  Bismarck  with  offers  of 
alliance  against  Austria,  of  which  the  main  objects  were 
the  cession  of  the  Elbe  Duchies  to  Prussia,  of  Venetia 
to  Italy,  and  of  more  than  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  to 
France. 

That  there  may  be  no  question  on  this  point,  the  text 
of  the  proposed  treaty  is  quoted  from  Bismarck's  famous 
Circular  Despatch  of  July  29,  1870.  Bismarck  wrote  : 
'  In  May,  1866,  those  pretensions  (of  Napoleon)  assumed 
the  form  of  an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance,  of  which 

1  Memorandum  by  the  Emperor  to  M.  Drouyn  de  Lhuys,  June  u,  1866. 


246  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

the  following  extract  has  remained  in  my  hands'  :  (i)  In 
the  event  of  a  Congress,  to  arrange  for  the  cession  of 
Venetia  to  Italy  and  the  annexation  of  the  Elbe  Duchies 
by    Prussia.     (2)   If  the  Congress  does    not    come   off, 
an  offensive  and  defensive  alliance.     (3)  The  King  of 
Prussia  to  commence  hostilities  within  ten  days  after  the 
breaking-up  of  the  Congress.     (4)  If  the  Congress  does 
not   meet,  Prussia  shall   attack  within   thirty  days  after 
signature  of  the  present  treaty.     (5)  The  Emperor  of  the 
French  to  declare  war  against  Austria  so  soon  as  war 
shall  have  begun  between  Austria  and  Prussia.     (6)  No 
separate  peace  to  be  made  with  Austria.     (7)  Peace  to  be 
made  under  the  following  conditions  : — Venetia  to  Italy  ; 
to  Prussia  the  following  German  territories,  seven  or  eight 
million  souls,  as  agreed  on,  in  addition  to  federal  reform 
in  the   Prussian  sense  ;  to  France  the  territory  between 
the  Moselle  and  the  Rhine  without  Coblentz  or  Mayence, 
comprising  500,000  Prussian  souls  ;  to   Bavaria  the  left 
bank  of  the  Rhine,   Birkenfeld,   Homburg,    Darmstadt, 
213,000   souls.     (8)    Military    and     Naval    Convention 
between  France  and   Prussia  immediately  on  signature. 
(9)  Adhesion  of  the  King  of  Italy. 

'  The  impossibility,'  wrote  Bismarck  in  the  same 
despatch,  '  of  accepting  any  proposal  of  the  kind  was 
clear  to  me  from  the  first ;  but  I  thought  it  useful  and  in 
the  interest  of  peace  to  leave  to  the  French  statesmen 
their  favourite  illusions  as  long  as  possible,  without  giv- 
ing them  even  my  verbal  assent.  I  assumed  that  the 
destruction  of  hopes  entertained  by  France  would 
endanger  peace,  which  it  was  the  interest  of  Germany 
and  Europe  to  maintain.  ...  I  kept  silence  regarding 
the  demands  made  and  pursued  a  dilatory  course,  with- 


SADOWA  247 

out  making  any  promises.'  In  denying  charges  brought 
against  him  by  Benedetti  and  La  Marmora  he  con- 
tinued :  '  I  never  pledged  or  promised  anyone  the  cession 
of  even  so  little  as  a  German  hayfield  ;  and  I  declare 
everything  that  has  been  said  on  this  subject  to  be  lies 
invented  to  blacken  my  character.' 

It  is  a  fact,  although  the  thing  seems  incredible,  that 
while  Napoleon  was  tempting  Bismarck  with  offers  of 
an  alliance  against  Austria  he  was  simultaneously  treat- 
ing secretly  with  Francis  Joseph  for  the  cession  of 
Venetia  in  return  for  Silesia,  the  province  most  prized 
by  the  Prussian  monarch  and  his  subjects.1  And  while 
negotiating  separately  and  secretly  with  the  two  sworn 
enemies,  he  affected  to  prove  his  own  disinterested- 
ness by  suggesting  the  submission  of  their  quarrel  to 
a  European  Congress.  Bismarck,  yielding  to  the  in- 
clination of  the  King,  accepted  the  proposal  of  Napoleon  ; 
but  as  he  hoped  and  knew  she  would,  Austria  rejected 
it  and  the  Congress  was  a  failure. 

On  the  morrow  of  Sadowa  (July  4,  1866)  the 
1  Moniteur'  contained  the  following  announcement : 
'  An  important  event  has  occurred. 
'  After  having  vindicated  the  honour  of  his  arms  in 
Italy  the  Emperor  of  Austria,  acceding  to  the  views  of 
the  Emperor  Napoleon  as  expressed  in  his  letter  to  his 
Minister  of  Foreign  Affairs  on  June  n,  cedes  Venetia 
to  the  Emperor  of  the  French,  and  accepts  his  mediation 

1  Professor  von  Sybel,  Keeper  of  the  Prussian  State  Archives,  in  his 
pamphlet  on  Napoleon  III.,  published  1S73,  says  :  'While  thus  he  (Napoleon) 
spoke  openly  for  Prussia  at  Auxerre,  he  was  carrying  on  profoundly  secret 
negotiations  with  Austria.  .  .  .  And  thus  it  was  that  Napoleon  concluded 
with  her  (Austria,  on  June  9,  1866)  a  secret  treaty,  by  which,  in  the  event 
of  a  successful  war,  the  Emperor  Francis  Joseph  was  to  cede  Venetia  and 
receive  for  it  Silesia,  at  the  cost  of  Prussia.' 


248  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

to  arrange  a  peace  between  the  belligerents.  The  Em- 
peror Napoleon  has  hastened  to  respond  to  his  appeal  ; 
and  has  immediately  addressed  himself  to  the  Kings  of 
Prussia  and  Italy  to  arrange  the  terms  of  an  armistice.' 

After  the  battle  of  Sadowa,  and  onward  to  the 
signature  of  the  Treaty  of  Prague  on  Aug.  23,  the 
hesitations  and  discussions  in  the  Imperial  Councils  were 
of  the  most  lamentable  kind.  The  Emperor  was  very 
ill,  and  anxious  to  find  relief  at  Vichy  from  excruciating 
suffering.  It  was  scarcely  to  be  wondered  at  that  a 
ruler  who  was  grossly  ignorant  of  the  true  state  of  his 
own  army  should  have  misjudged  the  military  condition 
of  his  neighbour ;  and  his  errors  on  this  score  had  landed 
him  in  a  most  deplorable  dilemma.  In  reply  to  a 
telegram  from  Napoleon,  King  William  answered  that 
'  we  are  prepared  to  accept  your  mediation,  but  of  an 
armistice  there  can  be  talk  only  when  we  get  from 
Austria  the  pledge  of  an  acceptable  peace.'  '  What  is 
your  "  pledge  of  an  acceptable  peace  "  ? '  asked  Napoleon, 
whose  conception  of  the  duty  of  a  mediator  was  peculiar  ; 
for  he  had  undertaken  to  intervene  on  behalf  of  fallen 
Austria,  and  yet  was  willing,  for  a  solid  consideration, 
to  mediate  in  favour  of  Prussia.  The  answer  from 
Bismarck  was  :  '  Exclusion  of  Austria  from  the  German 
Confederation,  erection  of  a  new  Federal  State  under 
Prussia,  and  her  acquisition  of  certain  lands  previously 
interfering  with  her  free  and  natural  development.' 

Monsieur  Benedetti,  the  French  Ambassador  to 
Berlin,  made  his  appearance  at  the  Prussian  headquarters 
and  made  himself  cheerfully  fussy  in  the  business  of 
mediation.  After  much  journeying  to  and  fro  between 
the  Prussian  headquarters  and  Vienna  he  brought  out  to 


SADOWA  249 

Nikolsburg  where  the  King  and  Bismarck  were  residing, 
the  triumphant  news  that  with  infinite  pains  he  had 
prevailed  on  Francis  Joseph  to  accept  the  proposals  of 
Napoleon  as  the  basis  of  negotiations.  With  perfect 
frankness  Bismarck  declared  that  while  the  King  was 
willing  to  accept  the  Napoleonic  suggestions  as  the  base 
of  a  five  days'  armistice,  the  main  condition  of  a  definite 
peace  could  only  be  the  cession  to  Prussia  of  Hanover, 
Saxony,  and  Hesse.  Benedetti  affected  to  believe  that 
in  making  such  '  monstrous  demands '  Bismarck  was  not 
in  earnest.  Bismarck  retorted  that  none  of  the  European 
States  would  seriously  oppose  the  designs  of  Prussia. 
'  What  of  France  ? '  asked  Benedetti.  '  Your  Emperor,' 
said  Bismarck,  '  cannot  dispute  our  right  to  annex  the 
territories  specified.'  '  Perhaps  not,'  answered  Benedetti, 
slyly,  '  on  condition  of  your  giving  us  Mayence  and 
restoring  us  the  Rhine  frontier  of  1 8 1 4.'  Bismarck  quietly 
observed  that  the  question  of  '  compensation  '  to  France 
could  best  be  settled  after  the  conclusion  of  peace  with 
Austria,  which  meanwhile  was  the  most  pressing  matter 
in  hand.  Benedetti  assented;  and  a  week  later  Bismarck 
coolly  informed  him  that  the  preliminaries  of  peace  had 
been  duly  signed  by  himself  and  the  two  Austrian  pleni- 
potentiaries, without  any  participation  on  the  part  of  the 
French  representative. 

The  following  is  an  extract  from  a  speech  of  Bismarck 
in  the  Reichstag,  May  2,  1871  :  '  On  Aug.  6,  1866,  I  was 
treated  to  a  visit  from  the  French  Ambassador  who  in 
brief  language  delivered  the  ultimatum — Cede  Mayence 
to  France,  or  expect  an  immediate  declaration  of  war. 
Of  course  I  did  not  hesitate  one  second  with  my  answer, 
and  it  was,  "  Very  well,  then  ;  let  there  be  war  !  "     With 


250  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

this  reply  M.  Benedetti  went  back  to  Paris,  where  they 
thought  over  the  matter  and  gave  me  to  understand  that 
his  (Benedetti's)  first  instructions  were  extorted  from  the 
Emperor  during  his  illness.'     A  letter  from  Benedetti  to 
Bismarck  dated  Aug.  5,    1866  enclosed  the  draft  of  a 
treaty  in   the  handwriting  of  the  former,  the   terms  of 
which  are  as  follows  :  '  France  to  regain  the  territory,  at 
present  belonging  to  Prussia,  which  was  French  in  18 14  ; 
Prussia    to   obtain   from  the   King  of  Bavaria  and  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Hesse  the  cession  of  the  territory  which 
they  possess  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine,  and  to  transfer 
the  same  to  France  :  All  provisions  which  attached  to 
the  Germanic  Confederation  the  territories  placed  under 
the  Sovereignty  of  the  King  of  the  Netherlands,  as  well 
as  those  relative  to  the  right  of  garrison  in  the  fortress 
of  Luxemburg.'     The  South  German  States  had  already 
agreed  to  sign  secret  treaties  conferring  the  command  of 
their  respective  armies  on  the   King  of  Prussia  in  the 
event  of  a  national  struggle.     Those  treaties  were  signed 
on  Aug.   22,  the  very  day  before  the   signature  of  the 
Treaty  of  Prague  which  secured  to  the  Southern  States 
'  an  international  and  independent  existence '  ;  but   the 
fact  was  kept  secret  until  the  following  year,  when  it  was 
divulged  as   a  counter-stroke   to   the  schemes  of  Louis 
Napoleon. 

On  his  return  from  Vichy  early  in  August  the  French 
Emperor  found  the  situation  very  gloomy.  Benedetti 
had  brought  back  to  Paris  the  utter  refusal  on  Bismarck's 
part  to  take  into  consideration  the  claims  of  France  to 
obtain  such  an  accession  of  territory  as  would  redress  the 
balance  of  power,  disturbed  by  the  immense  conquests  of 
Prussia.      France  had  been  used  by  the  Prussian  states- 


LUXEMBURG  251 

man  while  he  needed  her  help  ;  but  now  he  required  her 
no  longer.  When  a  negotiator  was  sent  him  from  Paris 
with  a  memorandum  in  which  the  establishment,  of  a 
neutral  State  on  the  Rhine  frontier  was  submitted, 
Bismarck  declined  to  receive  the  French  envoy  and 
referred  him  to  an  underling,  who  told  him  that  Prussia 
would  listen  neither  to  territorial  compensations  nor  to 
the  neutralisation  of  German  territory.  Even  the  clause 
which  had  been  inserted  in  the  peace  preliminaries  at  the 
instance  of  France  in  favour  of  North  Sleswig  was  on 
the  point  of  having  been  omitted  from  the  definitive 
treaty,  so  defiant  had  the  Iron  Count  become  between 
Nikolsburg  and  Prague  under  the  influence  of  victory. 
He  bluntly  declared  that  he  owed  no  wages  to  France  ; 
he  described  her  proceedings  as  a  policy  of  pour-boires  ; 
and  his  countrymen,  emulating  his  spirit,  laughed  at 
caricatures  in  the  shop-windows  of  Berlin  which  pre- 
sented Napoleon  in  ridiculous  and  abject  attitudes.  A 
Prussian  member  of  the  Paris  Jockey  Club  angered  the 
young  Frenchmen  of  society  by  laying  a  heavy  bet  that 
Bismarck  would  not  let  France  have  the  smallest  German 
village.      He  won  his  bet. 

It  would  seem  that  the  role  of  Benedetti  was  to 
indite,  ipso  manu,  draft  treaties  of  a  more  or  less 
nefarious  character,  which  were  cynically  dictated  by 
Bismarck  and  then  locked  up  until  a  time  should  come 
when  they  might  advantageously  see  the  light.  The  most 
memorable  of  those  drafts  was  revealed  to  an  indignant 
Europe  in  the  columns  of  '  The  Times '  a  few  days  after 
the  commencement  of  the  Franco-German  War.  It  was 
pretended  by  Benedetti  that  this  shameful  abortive  treaty 
was  the  suggestion  of  Bismarck  ;  who,  he  said,  offered 


252  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Belgium  and  Luxemburg  to  France  in  return  for  the 
latter's  aid  in  '  crowning  his  work  and  extending  the 
domination  of  Prussia  from  the  Baltic  to  the  Alps.'  If 
Bismarck  made  such  a  proposal,  it  could  only  have 
been  with  the  object  of  befooling  the  simple  Benedetti, 
with  whom  he  seems  to  have  taken  a  cruel  pleasure  in 
amusing  himself. 

Sadowa  stuck  in  the  throat  of  France  ;  and  the 
master-men  of  Prussia  recognised  from  the  hour  of  that 
victory  that  as  the  outcome  of  it  Prussia  would  either  have 
to  fight  France,  or  have  to  make  some  such  concession 
to  France  as  would  smooth  her  national  vanity  ruffled  by 
Sadowa.  Less  purposeful,  less  resolute,  less  gifted  with 
the  power  of  concentration,  France  foresaw  war  not  less 
clearly  than  did  Prussia.  While  the  latter  accepted  the 
inevitable,  the  former  created  and  maintained  it.  The 
French  nation  and  its  head  acted  and  reacted  in  a  curious 
mutually  detrimental  fashion.  Napoleon  might  have 
preferred  a  quiet  life  ;  but  he  had  quite  enough  of  acute- 
ness  to  perceive  how  dangerous  it  was,  unprepared,  to 
create  or  confront  serious  contingencies.  But  if  he 
would  pursue  an  unaggressive  policy  and  let  France 
enjoy  quiet,  then  France  proceeded  to  give  him  trouble 
and  endanger  his  personal  position  by  clamouring  for 
the  concession  of  Liberal  institutions.  That  kind  of  con- 
cession, he  perfectly  realised,  led  straight  up  to  the 
end  of  him.  But  he  could  maintain  his  position  only 
by  diverting  the  nation  from  hankering-  after  liberty 
and  by  concentrating  its  interest  in  a  brilliant  and  flashy 
foreign  policy.  So  he  was  always,  to  use  a  military 
simile,  sapping  up  to  a  great  coup  in  the  effort  to  keep 
France  in  a  state  of  excitement.      But   France  did  not 


LUXEMBURG  253 

find  the  engineering  process  sufficiently  interesting  to 
lure  her  from  agitation  for  internal  reforms  ;  and  the 
Emperor  had  to  be  making  concessions  most  of  his 
time. 

A  fine  opportunity  seemed  to  offer  itself  to  Napoleon 
in  the  beginning  of  1867.  The  King  of  Holland  was 
also  Grand  Duke  of  Luxemburg.  When  the  Germanic 
Confederation  broke  up,  the  King  of  Holland  acquired 
full  sovereign  rights  over  Luxemburg.  It  was  against 
the  policy  of  the  new  Confederation  to  have  included  in 
it  possessions  belonging  to  foreign  rulers,  and  no  press- 
ure was  exerted  to  bring  Luxemburg  within  its  pale. 
A  Prussian  garrison,  however,  still  continued  to  occupy 
its  fortress  although  that  fortress  had  been  defederalised  ; 
and  the  right  was  not  actively  challenged  by  the  King  of 
Holland.  He  had  no  particular  fondness  for  his  Luxem- 
burg possession,  and  he  was  a  man  to  whom  money 
was  always  peculiarly  acceptable.  He  had  no  objection 
to  enter  into  an  arrangement  with  France  whereby  the 
latter  was  to  acquire  the  Grand  Duchy  by  purchase. 
On  the  French  side  there  was  anxiety  that  the  negotia- 
tion should  be  kept  secret  from  Prussia  till  the  bargain 
had  been  carried  out  ;  but  the  King  of  Holland  did  not 
see  his  way  to  this  and  formally  notified  Prussia  of  the 
transaction  in  progress.  Prussia  withheld  her  assent  and 
further  refused  to  withdraw  the  garrison.  The  Duchy 
was  German  soil  and  the  public  feeling  of  Germany  ran 
high  against  any  alienation  of  it.  On  the  other  hand 
F ranee  was  in  a  state  of  acute  excitement.  Her  national 
jealousy  of  Prussia  lowering  luridly  ever  since  Sadowa, 
flashed  out  vehemently  against  the  idea  that  an  arrange- 
ment to  which  the  Emperor  of  the  French  had  agreed 


254  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

was  to  be  abandoned  merely  because  Prussia  thought  fit 
to  forbid  it. 

War  seemed  imminent ;  yet  the  guiding  forces  on 
neither  side  really  desired  war.  It  has  been  said  that 
Bismarck  had  great  difficulty  in  restraining  King 
William  from  responding  actively  to  the  fervid  demands 
of  his  people ;  but  this  apparently  was  only  gossip. 
Prussia  would  fight  if  need  were  ;  but  she  was  not  yet 
quite  ready  for  war.  On  the  other  hand,  Napoleon  was 
not  eager  for  the  fray.  He  would  have  been  the  reverse 
of  eager  had  he  come  to  the  knowledge  of  the  condition 
in  which  his  army  was  ;  but  he  was  not  a  man  who 
searched  deeply  into  things.  Both  nations  were  never- 
theless arming  when  the  intervention  of  the  European 
Powers  effected  a  settlement.  The  Duchy  became  a 
neutral  State  under  the  guarantee  of  the  Powers. 
Luxemburg  was  to  cease  to  be  a  fortified  city  and  the 
Prussian  garrison  was  withdrawn.  War,  at  least  for  the 
moment,  was  averted  ;  and  there  were  sanguine  people 
who  believed  that  an  era  of  lasting  peace  had  dawned  on 
Europe. 

The  ink  of  the  treaty  was  scarcely  dry  when  King 
William  accompanied  by  his  great  Minister  arrived  in 
Paris  on  a  visit  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon.  It  was  the 
summer  of  the  Great  Exhibition  of  1867,  when  Napoleon 
was  on  the  summit  of  the  great  soap-bubble  he  had  blown 
and  when  he  was  able  to  vie  with  his  illustrious  relative 
in  the  temporary  possession  of  a  '  parterre  of  Princes.' 
The  Tzar  had  arrived  in  advance  of  King  William  and 
was  residing  in  the  Elys^e.  The  Crown  Prince  and 
Princess  of  Prussia  were  already  in  Paris  before  the  King 
arrived    on    June    5.      Bismarck  had  fired  his  salute  to 


LUXEMBURG  255 

France  before  leaving  Berlin,  in  the  announcement  that 
he  had  concluded  with  the   South   German  States  a  full 
understanding    between    them    and    the   North  German 
Confederation.     At  the  railway  station  his   Majesty  was* 
received  by  the  Emperor  accompanied  by  the  Ministers 
and   Marshals  of  the   Empire,  and  was  escorted  to  his 
quarters  in  the  Pavilion  Marsan,  one  of  the  wings  of  the 
Tuileries.     After  presenting  his  obeisance  to  the  Empress 
his    hostess    the    King  went    to    visit  the   Tzar   in    the 
Elysee,  who  returned  the  visit  next  morning.      Later  in 
the  day  Napoleon  and  his  guests  drove  to  Longchamps  to 
witness  on  that  field  a  review  of  60,000  French  soldiers. 
It  was  not  the  first  review  that  William  had  seen   there, 
nor  was  it  to  be  the  last.      In  18 14  he  had  witnessed  the 
combined  hosts  of  Prussia,   Austria,  and   Russia  march 
past  the  saluting-point ;  at  which  a  Russian,  an  Austrian, 
and  a  Prussian  monarch  sat  on  horseback.      Russian  and 
Prussian  monarchs  were  now  again  at  the  same  saluting- 
point  ;  the  grandson  of  Francis  was  to  come  later — for 
the  moment  he  was  being  crowned  King  of  Hungary  on 
the  Kronungsberg  of  Pesth.      Four  years  later  William 
was   to  look   again  on   an  armed  pageant  on  the  Long- 
champs    sward,  when   his  host   of   1867   was   to  be   his 
prisoner  and  the  troops  he  was  to  review  the  conquerors 
of  France. 

Bismarck  made  himself  visible  to  the  Parisians  in 
his  Landwehr  cuirassier  uniform  crowned  by  the  spiked 
helmet ;  and  it  is  recorded  that  the  Parisians  '  were 
Q^ettine  reconciled  to  him  on  account  of  his  martial 
bearing  in  the  field.'  Neither  the  Tzar  nor  the  King 
was  very  popular  in  Paris.  Cries  of  '  Vive  la  Prusse  ! ' 
were  few    and   far   between  ;    and   the   angry  shouts   of 


256  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

'  Vive  la  Pologne  ! '  had  been  yelled  at  Alexander  ever 
since  he  had  stepped  out  of  the  Gare  du  Nord.  But 
at  all  events  nobody  tried  to  shoot  William,  whereas 
Berezovski  interfered  with  the  Tzar's  ability  to  boast  of 
the  same  immunity.  After  fete  on  fete,  on  the  14th 
the  King  bade  adieu  to  his  host  and  hostess  and  was 
back  in  his  own  capital  next  day.  His  simplicity  of 
manner  was  noted  by  the  Parisians,  just  as  the  English 
in  1 8 14  had  marked  that  characteristic  of  his  father.  To 
a  fussy  official  he  quietly  said  :  '  Pray  make  no  bother 
on  my  account — regard  me  as  one  visitor  more  to  Paris.' 
When  he  went  away  he  simply  thanked  the  Emperor 
very  warmly  for  the  cordial  reception  he  had  met  with, 
and  left  40,000  francs  to  be  distributed  among  the 
servants  who  had  attended  on  him. 

Notwithstanding  the  courtesies  which  passed  in  Paris 
in  the  course  of  the  Exhibition  of  1867,  there  was  no 
love  lost  between  France  and  Prussia ;  and  no  little 
jealousy  was  caused  on  the  part  of  the  German  people 
by  the  famous  'Salzburg  Interview'  which  made  some 
stir  throughout  a  great  part  of  the  Continent.  Accom- 
panied by  his  consort,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  in  the 
course  of  the  latter  half  of  August  1867  travelled 
through  South  Germany  on  his  way  to  meet  their 
Austrian  Majesties  at  Salzburg.  The  ostensible  reason 
for  this  journey  on  the  part  of  the  French  Imperial 
couple  was  simply  the  desire  to  offer  their  personal  con- 
dolences to  Francis  Joseph  on  the  tragic  end  of  his 
brother  Maximilian  of  Mexico,  who  had  fallen  a  victim 
to  that  French  propensity  to  interference  with  the 
concerns  of  others  which  now  roused  the  ill-feeling  of 
Germany.     That   State  did  not  believe  that  Napoleon's 


LUXEMBURG  257 

visit  to  Salzburg  was  so  simple  as  was  avowed  ;  and 
he  himself  had  considerable  reason  to  recognise  this  in- 
credulity in  the  course  of  his  courageous  passage  through 
South  Germany.  Official  courtesy,  it  is  true,  was  frigidly 
observed  for  the  most  part ;  but  at  Augsburg  some  hos- 
pitable cheers  were  instantly  drowned  in  angry  hisses 
and  yells.  The  press  of  Germany  raised  its  voice 
unanimously  in  no  ambiguous  tone  against  the  tortuous 
and  time-seeking  foreigner  whom  it  believed  to  be 
plotting  against  the  unification  of  the  Fatherland. 


258  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


CHAPTER   XIII 

THE  OUTBREAK  OF  THE  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR 

Things  were  going  wrong  in  France.      Dear  bread  in 

the  rigorous  winter  of  1868  and  a  consequent  scarcity 

of  work   served  the  turn  of  an  implacable  Opposition. 

Seditious    cries    had    been    heard    in    the    streets :    the 

'  Marseillaise '  had  been  sung  with  the  result  of  arrests 

and  imprisonments.      The  Finance  Minister  had  to  put 

forth   a  huge  loan  of  twenty-eight  millions   sterling  in 

order  to  bring  into  system  the  resources  of  the  State. 

The  Government  had    asked  that  the  army,   with    the 

reserve,  should  be  increased   to  a  strength  of  750,000 

men  ;  and  that  the  Garde  Mobile,  which  was  expected  to 

afford  some  300,000  men  in  the  course  of  a  few   years, 

should  be   instituted   as  a  second  reserve.      M.    Thiers 

contended  that  the  army  was  strong  enough  ;    that  there 

would  always  be  time  to  organise  the  Garde  Mobile  in 

rear   of  the   500,000  regular   troops    when    war  should 

threaten  ;    and   that    M.    Rouher   had    exaggerated    the 

military    resources    of    the    great     European     Powers. 

MM.  Rouher  and  Baroche,  and  above  all  Marshal  Niel, 

supported  the  Government  measure.       Its  necessity  was 

manifested  by  the  persistence  with  which  the  Opposition 

described  France  as  being  at  the   mercy   of  Germany  ; 

yet  it  was  denounced  by  the  enemies  of  the  Government 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  259 

as  an  additional  burden  wantonly  cast  upon  a  suffering 
people. 

How  unpopular  had  become  the  Government  towards 
the  close  of  1868  was  manifested  curiously.  The  Day 
of  the  Dead  in  November  was  turned  by  the  Parisians 
to  a  political  account.  The  grave  was  casually  dis- 
covered of  Baudin,  a  leader  of  the  Reds  in  the  Coup 
d ' Etat,  who  had  been  shot  on  a  barricade  in  that  bloody 
time.  For  seventeen  years  Baudin  had  lain  in  his 
forgotten  grave,  when  it  was  suddenly  recollected  that  he 
had  fallen  in  resisting  the  myrmidons  of  Napoleon,  and 
that  he  perished  in  the  defence  of  what  was  then  the 
law  and  the  Constitution.  The  opportunity  of  gratifying 
dislike  of  the  Emperor  was  promptly  seized.  It  was  pro- 
posed to  erect  a  monument  to  the  memory  of  this  enemy 
of  tyranny.  The  suggestion  was  eagerly  caught  at,  but 
probably  it  would  have  soon  faded  out,  and  Baudin's 
name  would  have  fallen  back  into  the  oblivion  from 
which  it  was  temporarily  exhumed,  had  not  the  Emperor 
and  his  advisers  resolved  to  treat  this  petty  matter  as  a 
case  of  sedition  and  to  prosecute  those  who  had  sub- 
scribed to  the  monument  as  well  as  the  newspapers 
which  had  published  the  subscriptions.  Such  incidents, 
though  comparatively  trivial  in  themselves,  served  to 
indicate  the  spirit  of  the  nation.  If  anything  was  made 
clear,  it  was  that  the  Napoleonic  dynasty  was  not  taking 
firm  root  in  France.  The  masses  were  the  reverse  of 
conciliatory  to  the  Imperial  Government.  In  every 
vacancy  in  the  Legislative  Chamber  where  there  was  a 
chance  of  independent  success  the  Imperialist  candidate 
was  defeated  and  a  candidate  hostile  to  the  dynasty 
was  elected.     The  plebiscite  of  May,  1870  was  little  else 

s  2 


260  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

than    a    gigantic    fraud,    notwithstanding    the    boasted 
figures. 

In  August,  1869  Marshal  Niel  died  suddenly,  and 
was  unfortunately  succeeded  by  Lebceuf  as  War  Minister. 
Marshal  Niel  had  been  the  soul  of  the  military  reorgan- 
isation which  was  in  progress  when  he  was  lost  to  France. 
He  left  his  task  far  from  complete,  and  his  successor  was 
not  the  man  to  carry  out  the  undertaking.  It  is  true  that 
when  Marshal  Niel  died  the  Garde  Mobile  was  little  more 
than  a  project.  But  he  had  pushed  forward  the  manu- 
facture of  the  chassepots  that  were  to  carry  farther  than 
the  Prussian  needle-guns,  and  it  was  under  his  super- 
intendence that  the  first  experiments  with  the  mitraill- 
euses were  conducted.  Niel  was  an  engineer  officer  of 
the  highest  capacity,  who  had  served  with  distinction  in 
Africa,  the  Crimea,  and  in  Italy  ;  he  was  popular  with 
the  people  and  enjoyed  the  entire  confidence  of  the 
Emperor.  In  the  course  of  this  year  the  life  of  Louis 
Napoleon  hung  in  the  balance  for  weeks.  The  Opposi- 
tion journals  bitterly  assailed  the  sick  man.  Not  content 
with  the  exaggeration  of  every  unfavourable  rumour  and 
canard,  the  more  venomous  journals  called  into  their 
service  medical  writers  of  the  baser  sort,  to  inform  their 
readers  how  soon  the  unfortunate  Emperor  would  pro- 
bably die.  The  brutality  of  the  articles  on  the  sufferer 
that  appeared  in  the  '  Rappel '  and  the  '  Reveil '  would 
not  have  been  tolerated  in  England  for  a  day.  It  was 
announced  that  the  Emperor  read  the  medical  articles  in 
which  he  was  sent  to  an  almost  immediate  death,  and 
which  informed  his  subjects  how  the  vital  functions  would 
soon  fail  to  repair  the  waste  of  force  caused  by  his  ail- 
ment.     He  was  a  brave  man — brave  to  stoicism  ;  and  he 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  261 

endured  with  calmness  the  perusal  of  the  gutter  literature. 
Rochefort,  who  was  supposed  to  be  a  gentleman,  allowed 
himself  to  speak  of  the  Emperor  as  'the  lodger  of  the 
Tuileries ' — as  it  happened  it  was  in  St.  Cloud  where  the 
Emperor  lay  ill. 

The  session  of  1869  was  closed  in  November  with 
a  speech  by  the  Emperor  when  he  declared  himself 
responsible  for  order,  which  had  the  ominous  aspect  of 
being  seriously  menaced.  On  Jan.  2,  1870  the  Emperor 
called  on  M.  Emile  Ollivier  to  accept  the  Premiership, 
and  in  the  same  day  the  list  of  the  Ollivier  Ministry 
appeared  in  the  '  Moniteur.'  When  the  Emperor  con- 
fided the  Government  of  France  to  the  responsible 
Ministry  of  which  M.  Emile  Ollivier  was  the  head,  he 
retired  from  the  active  direction  of  public  affairs  and  re- 
stricted himself  entirely  to  the  position  of  a  Constitutional 
Sovereign.  With  the  appointment  of  the  Ollivier  Admin- 
istration the  role  of  the  Emperor  as  active  ruler  ended  ; 
yet  he  must  be  held  to  have  been  in  a  measure  responsible 
for  the  policy  of  the  Cabinet  which  six  months  later  led  to 
the  ruin  of  his  dynasty  and  to  the  most  disastrous  war  of 
modern  times.  There  is  no  space  here  for  detailing  the 
scandal  connected  with  the  name  of  Prince  Pierre  Bona- 
parte— Louis  Napoleon  was  constantly  unfortunate  in 
regard  to  his  relatives.  May  8  was  the  day  appointed  for 
the  nation  to  vote  on  the  new  Constitution,  and  on  the 
transmission  of  the  sovereign  power  from  father  to  son  in 
the  Imperial  family.  A  heated  and  turbulent  discussion 
arose  in  the  Corps  Legislatif,  in  the  course  of  which 
M.  Pelletan  shouted  that  the  Empire  had  given  France 
eighteen  years  not  of  repose,  order,  and  security,  but  '  of 
shame  and  of  crime.'      The  result  of  the  plebiscite — the 


262  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

last  one  of  the  career  of  Napoleon — although  it  showed 
7,257,379  'Ayes'  and  but  1,530,000  '  Noes,'  indicated  a 
settled  hostility  in  Paris  and  most  of  the  other  large 
cities  of  the  Empire.  The  circumstance  that  the  army 
recorded  nearly  50,000  votes  against  the  Sovereign  was 
a  serious  matter  ;  and  not  less  serious  was  the  fact  that 
during  the  agitation  of  the  plebiscite  a  plot  to  assassin- 
ate the  Emperor  was  discovered.  On  the  nights  of 
May  9  and  10  serious  riots  occurred  and  barricades 
were  thrown  up. 

The  last  ceremonial  function  of  the  reien  of  Louis 
Napoleon  was  held  on  May  21,  when  the  result  of  the 
plebiscite  was  formally  conveyed  to  the  Emperor  in  the 
Salle  des  Etats  of  the  Louvre.      Never  had  the  Empire 
worn  an  aspect  seemingly  more  splendid  and  prosperous 
than  when  Napoleon  advanced  surrounded  by  his  family 
amidst  the  acclamations  of  the  assembled  Chambers  and 
took  his  seat  on  the  dais  while  M.  Schneider,  President  of 
the  Corps  Legislatif,  addressed  the  Head  of  the  Nation. 
'  In  supporting  the  Empire  by  more  than  seven  millions 
of  suffrages,'  said  President  Schneider,   '  France  says  to 
you,    "  Sire,    the    country    is    with    you  ;  advance    con- 
fidently in    the   path  of  progress,   and  establish   liberty 
based    on    respect   for  the    laws    and    the    Constitution. 
France  places  the  cause  of  liberty  under  the  protection 
of  your  dynasty."       The  Emperor  thanked  the  nation 
for  having   given    him,    for    the    fourth    time,   an   over- 
whelming proof  of  its  confidence.      He  closed  his  speech 
with    the    words  :  '  Who    can    be    opposed    to    the  pro- 
gressive march  of  a  dynasty  founded  by  a  great  people 
in   the    midst    of  political   disturbance    and    fortified   by 
liberty  ? '     Those  were  brave  words  ;  but  in  three  and  a 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  263 

half  months  from  their  utterance  that  dynasty  was  in  the 
dust  and  the  man  who  proudly  spoke  them  was  a 
prisoner  of  war  in  a  foreign  land. 

There  had  been  some  sort  of  an  intrigue  in  Paris  in 
the  summer  of  1 869  for  the  promotion  of  the  candidat- 
ure for  the  vacant  throne  of  Spain  of  Prince  Frederic, 
a    younger    son    of    the    old    Prince    of   Hohenzollern- 
Sigmaringen,    the    house    of    which     King    William    of 
Prussia  was  the  nominal   head.      It    was   said   that   the 
Empress  Eugenie  favoured  the  project  and  that  Prince 
Frederic  might  marry  a  relative  of  hers.      Perhaps  such 
credentials  hardly   recommended  him  to   the   Spaniards 
and    no  offer    of  the    Throne    of   Spain    was    made    to 
Frederic.      In    the     autumn    of    that    year    it    was    that 
Marshal    Prim's  project  of  inviting  the  candidature   of 
Frederic's    eldest    brother     Prince     Leopold     was     first 
mooted.      In     the    summer    of     1870     Prince    Leopold 
signified  his  readiness  to  accept  the  Spanish  Crown  if  the 
choice  of  the  Cortes  should  fall  upon  him.     The  tidings 
of  this  contingent  acceptance  reached  Paris  from  Madrid 
on  July  3.      It  was  stated   that  a  deputation  had   been 
despatched    to    Germany    to    offer  Prince    Leopold    the 
Spanish  Crown.     A  communique  in  the  '  Constitutionnel ' 
announced  that  the  proffer  had  actually  been  accepted, 
and  astonishment  was  expressed  at  the  spectacle  of  the 
sceptre  of  Charles   V.   being  placed  in  the  hands   of  a 
'  German   Prince.'     So  far  as   regarded   blood  it  was  a 
fact  that  Leopold  had  closer  affinity  with  the  Imperial 
dynasty  of  France  than  with  the  royal  family  of  Prussia  ; 
for  his   paternal   grandmother  was   Princess   Antoinette 
Murat,  while  his  mother  was  a  daughter  of  the  Grand 
Duchess    Stephanie     of     Baden,     sister    of     Hortense 


264  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Beauharnais  the  mother  of  Napoleon  III.  His  wife 
was  a  sister  of  the  King  of  Portugal.  Dynastically, 
therefore,  Prince  Leopold  actually  stood  nearer  to  the 
French  than  to  the  Prussian  Throne  ;  but  there  was  no 
doubt  that  he  held  himself  more  a  German  than  a 
Frenchman.  He  regarded  King  William  as  the  head 
and  patriarch  of  his  race ;  he  was  a  colonel  in  the 
Prussian  army  ;  he  lived  much  at  the  Court  of  Berlin  ; 
and  his  political  sympathies  were  with  the  German 
movement  of  the  time. 

The  political  horizon  of  Europe  in  the  beginning  of 
July,  1870  was  so  delusively  clear  that  an  English  states- 
man who  certainly  had  strong  claims  to  be   considered 
well   informed  affirmed  publicly  that  it   was   without  a 
cloud.      It  is  true   that   on  the   4th  the   French   Ckargi 
d  Affaires  at  Berlin  went  to  the  Foreign  Office  '  to  com- 
municate the  painful  impression  which  the  acceptance  of 
the  candidature  of  Prince   Leopold  had  caused  in  Paris.' 
The    Prussian   Under-Secretary  in   Bismarck's  absence 
declared    '  that    this    affair    had    no    existence    for    the 
Prussian    Government,   which,    therefore,   was   not  in  a 
position  to  afford  any  information.'     In  truth,  up  to  the 
end   of  the  first   week   in  July  Prussia,  and  with  it  the 
whole  of  Germany,  had  full  confidence  in  the  continuance 
of  peace  ;  while  in  France  M.  Emile  Ollivier,  the  Prime 
Minister,  had  on  June   30  declared  that  '  the  peace  of 
Europe  never  rested   on  a  more   secure  basis.'     In  the 
Prussian  army  nothing  was  doing  beyond  the  common 
routine.     The   usual   preparations  were  being  made  for 
the  autumn  manoeuvres.     The    draft   of  a   new  official 
text-book  for  infantry  exercise   had  just  been  submitted 
to  the  King  ;  and  a  new  instruction  on  outpost  duty  had 


THE   EMPRESS    EUGENIE   ABOUT    iS/O 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  265 

recently  been  issued.  A  partial  issue  of  improved  needle- 
guns  had  to  be  sent  back  into  store  when  hostilities 
became  imminent,  and  the  old  weapons  re-issued  for  the 
sake  of  uniformity  of  pattern.  A  great  number  of 
officers  both  of  the  staff  and  of  the  line  had  received 
leave  of  absence  during  the  interval  between  the  regi- 
mental inspections  and  the  autumn  manoeuvres  ;  and 
many  of  those  had  gone  to  the  camp  of  Chalons  to 
witness  the  operations  there.  The  ironclad  squadron  of 
the  navy  commanded  by  Prince  Adalbert  was  away  on 
cruise.  The  King  was  at  Ems  ;  Bismarck  was  still 
unwell  at  Varzin  ;  Moltke  was  residing  on  his  Silesian 
estate  ;  and  most  of  the  other  Ministers  were  abroad  on 
tours  of  inspection  or  recreation.  There  is  no  doubt 
that  in  France  the  prospect  of  sudden  and  immediate 
war  was  equally  remote  ;  for  in  June  the  French  War 
Minister  had  ordered  a  great  number  of  horses  to  be  sold, 
as  in  consequence  of  the  persistent  drought  there  were 
apprehensions  of  a  failure  of  forage.  And  further,  on 
the  30th  of  that  month  the  Legislative  Chamber  had 
accepted  the  Bill  for  reducing  the  annual  contingent  of 
recruits  from  its  usual  figure  of  100,000  to  90,000,  on 
which  occasion  Emile  Olliviermade  the  declaration  as  to 
the  peaceable  state  of  Europe  already  mentioned. 

On  July  4,  however,  Baron  Werther  the  Ambas- 
sadorto  France  of  the  North  German  Confederation,  had 
obtained  leave  of  absence  and  was  about  to  pay  his 
respects  to  King  William  at  Ems  ;  and  the  Due  de 
Gramont,  the  French  Minister  for  Foreign  Affairs, 
begged  the  Baron  to  describe  to  his  Prussian  Majesty 
the  excitement  which  was  agitating  the  French  nation  in 
regard  to  the  Prusso- Spanish  matter,  and  to  entreat  the 


266  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

King  to  induce  Prince  Leopold  to  withdraw  his  candi- 
dature on  pain  of  a  '  catastrophe.'     '  Do  you  mean  by 
"  catastrophe  "  a  threat  of  war  ? '  demanded  the  astonished 
Ambassador.      '  Out,'    replied  M.   Ollivier,   '  oui,  il  y  a 
menace  de  guerre.'     Baron  Werther  promised  to  make 
the  desired  communication  to  the  King  and  departed  for 
Ems  on  the  following  day.     On  July  5   M.  Cochery,  a 
Deputy  of  the   Left  Centre,  made  an  interpellation  to 
the  Foreign  Minister  with  regard  to  the  Spanish  Throne 
succession  ;   '  put  up  '  intentionally,  it  was  understood,  in 
to  order  afford  the  Minister  an  opportunity  of  making  a 
sensational  and  truculent  reply.      In  the  course  of  the  5th 
there  were  two  Ministerial  councils  at  neither  of  which 
did  the  peaceful  sentiments  of  the  Cabinet  undergo  any 
change.      But  after  the  evening-  conference  the  Empress 
was   said    to    have   had    a  long-   conversation    with    her 
husband,  the  result  of  which,  as  rendered  next  day  by  the 
Due  de  Gramont  in    the    Corps  Legislatif,   was    tanta- 
mount to  a  challenge  to  Germany.      He  declared  that  he 
was  not  privy  to  the  negotiations  between  Marshal  Prim 
and  the    Hohenzollern   Prince  ;  he  announced  emphatic- 
ally that  it  was  not  the   duty  of  France  to  meddle  with 
the  internal  affairs  of  the  Spanish   nation  in  the  exercise 
of  its  own  sovereignty.      '  But,'  continued  he  significantly, 
'  we    do   not    believe    that    respect    for  the  rights    of  a 
neighbouring  people  imposes   on   us    the    obligation  of 
enduring  that  a  foreign  Power,  by  placing  one  of  its  own 
Princes  on  the  Throne  of  Charles  V.,  should  disturb  to 
our  detriment  the  existing  balance  of  power  in  Europe 
and  endanger  the  interests  and  honour  of  France.     We 
have  a   confident    hope   that    such   a  circumstance   will 
not  occur,  reckoning  as  we  do  on  the  prudence  of  the 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  267 

German  and  the  amity  of  the  Spanish  peoples.  Should 
this,  however,  turn  out  contrary  to  our  expectations,  we 
shall  in  reliance  on  your  support  and  that  of  the  nation 
know  how  to  do  our  duty  without  hesitation  or  weakness.' 
This  declaration  was  received  with  rapturous  applause 
by  the  great  majority  of  the  House.  Some  members 
insisted  that  the  Budget  which  just  then  was  being 
debated  must  necessarily  be  fundamentally  remodelled 
in  view  of  the  imminence  of  warlike  preparations  ;  but 
as  a  matter  of  fact  those  were  already  in  full  train. 
Immense  activity  was  known  to  exist  at  the  French  War 
Ministry  ;  and  large  quantities  of  stores  and  warlike 
material  were  being  transported  by  rail  by  night  and 
with  the  utmost  secrecy  through  Paris  from  the  south 
and  west  towards  the  east.  The  pourparlers  were 
becoming  ominously  formal,  and  the  Prussian  Charge" 
dAff aires  at  Paris  was  on  July  9  instructed  once  more 
to  signify  to  the  Due  de  Gramont  that,  '  the  question  of 
the  succession  to  the  Spanish  Throne  was  one  which 
concerned  Spain  and  the  candidate  alone,  and  with 
which  Prussia  and  Germany  had  absolutely  no  concern.' 
Seeing  that  it  was  impossible  to  fix  a  quarrel  on  the 
German  diplomatist,  Gramont  determined  on  the  attempt 
to  involve  the  King  personally.  From  his  cure  at 
Wildbad  Benedetti  was  curtly  ordered  by  telegraph  to 
hasten  to  Ems,  where  he  arrived  on  the  9th.  The 
instructions  awaiting  him  there  from  Paris  were  to  the 
effect  '  that  he  should  endeavour  to  persuade  the  King  to 
issue  an  order  to  the  Prince  of  Hohenzollern  to  abandon 
the  candidature.'  Benedetti  was  received  most  cordially 
by  the  Prussian  monarch.  When  he  ventured  to  make  the 
demand  just  mentioned   his  Majesty  replied,  that   in   his 


268  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

quality  of  King  of  Prussia  he  knew  absolutely  nothing 
of  this  candidature;  that  as  head  of  the  Hohenzollern 
family  it  was  true  that  he  was  aware  of  it  ;  but  that  he 
had  no  right  to  order  Prince  Hohenzollern,  who  was  of 
full  age,  either  to  accept  or  to  refuse  the  Spanish  Crown, 
which  he  therefore  declined  doing.  The  Ambassador 
went  on  to  appeal  to  the  King's  wisdom  by  pronouncing 
a  word  that  would  '  restore  peace  to  Europe'  ;  to  which 
enigmatic  remark  his  Majesty  replied  that  the  disquiet 
of  Europe  arose  not  because  of  any  act  of  the  Prussian 
Government  but  in  consequence  of  the  declaration  made 
by  the  Imperial  Government  to  the  Legislative  Chamber 
on  July  6. 

Baron  Werther  returned  to  Paris  on  the  nth,  and 
after  his  departure  Benedetti  had  a  second  interview 
with  the  King,  with  the  same  result  as  before :  his 
Majesty  adding  that  he  had  no  idea  where  the  Hohen- 
zollern Prince  was  at  that  time.  Hearing,  however,  of 
the  complications  that  had  arisen,  the  Prince  immediately 
determined  to  abandon  the  candidature  and  thus,  so  far 
as  he  was  concerned,  remove  every  pretext  for  dissatis- 
faction between  France  and  Germany.  He  informed  the 
Spanish  Ministry  of  his  decision  and  begged  his  father 
to  announce  it  widely  ;  so  that  when  Baron  Werther 
reached  Paris  on  the  evening  of  the  iith  the  Spanish 
Minister  Olozaga  had  already  received  the  intelligence 
from  his  Government.  Werther  and  Olozaga  went 
together  to  the  French  Foreign  Office  on  the  12th,  for 
the  purpose  of  handing  over  officially  to  the  Due  de 
Gramont  the  telegrams  announcing  the  renunciation  of 
Prince  Hohenzollern.  M.  Emile  Ollivier  also  appeared 
and  took  part  in  the  conversation.      Up  to  midday  of  the 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  269 

1 2th  the  Prime  Minister  seemed  to  consider  the  affair 
as  having  been  definitely  arranged  by  the  Prince's  renun- 
ciation ;  and  he  told  several  Deputies  in  the  Salles  des 
Pas  Perdus  of  the  Palais  Bourbon  that  there  was  no 
longer  any  object  of  contention  in  existence.  The  Due 
de  Gramont,  however,  used  very  different  language,  and, 
to  the  great  astonishment  of  Baron  Werther,  declared 
that  the  renunciation  was  merely  a  subordinate  incident, 
as  France  would  not  have  in  any  case  permitted  the 
Prince  to  ascend  the  Spanish  Throne.  The  main  point 
still  remained  to  be  settled,  namely  the  asserted  slight 
offered  to  France  by  the  King  of  Prussia  having  per- 
mitted the  Hohenzollern  Prince  to  accept  the  candidat- 
ure without  having  first  come  to  an  understanding  with 
France.  Gramont  suggested  as  a  satisfactory  means  of 
atoning  for  this  slight  '  that  King  William  should 
address  an  autograph  letter  to  the  Emperor  Napoleon, 
stating  that  in  granting  that  permission  he  never  had 
thought  of  injuring  the  interests  or  affecting  the  dignity 
of  France,  and  that  he  cordially  accepted  the  renuncia- 
tion of  the  Prince.'  Such  was  the  sense  of  this  letter, 
of  which  there  are  many  discrepant  versions.  A  naif 
confession  was  incidentally  made  by  the  two  French 
statesmen — that  for  the  sake  of  the  Ministry  they  abso- 
lutely needed  a  compromise  in  order  to  allay  the  popular 
excitement.  Baron  Werther,  who  must  have  been 
greatly  amused  by  this  droll  frankness,  remarked  quietly 
that  such  a  measure  had  been  rendered  very  difficult 
because  of  the  terms  used  by  the  Due  de  Gramont  in 
the  Chamber  on  the  6th  inst.  The  Prussian  diplomatist 
did  not  think  it  his  duty  to  lay  this  insolent  demand  for 
a   letter   of    apology    before   his    master    by    telegraph, 


270  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

as  the  Due  de  Gramont  had  required  him  to  do ;  he 
did,  however,  communicate  with  Bismarck,  who  replied 
characteristically  '  that  he  could  not  take  any  notice  of 
this  language  unless  the  French  Government  thought 
proper  to  address  it  through  its  Ambassador  at  Berlin.' 

Gramont  was  unappeasable,  and  his  obdurate  inso- 
lence recoiled  on  himself.  On  the  evening  of  the  12th 
he  telegraphed  to  Benedetti  at  Ems  that  he  (Benedetti) 
should  exact  from  the  King  not  only  a  public  approval 
of  Prince  Leopold's  withdrawal,  but  also  an  engagement 
that  his  Majesty  would  never  again  allow  the  Prince  to 
be  a  candidate  for  the  Throne  of  Spain.  On  the  morning 
of  the  13th  the  King  saw  Benedetti  hurrying  to  meet 
him  on  the  Ems  promenade  ;  he  handed  the  Ambassador 
a  newspaper  containing  the  statement  that  the  Prince 
had  withdrawn  from  his  candidature ;  and  he  added 
that  he  had  not  yet  received  direct  tidings  from 
Sigmaringen,  but  would  assuredly  do  so  in  the  course 
of  the  day.  Benedetti  stated  that  he,  too,  had  received 
from  Paris  news  of  the  renunciation,  whereupon  the 
King  remarked  that  he  considered  the  affair  now  defi- 
nitely settled.  Quite  unexpectedly  Benedetti  brought 
forward  a  fresh  demand — that  the  King  should  give  a 
positive  assurance  that  he  would  never  give  his  consent 
to  the  Prince's  candidature  should  it  ever  again  be 
mooted.  The  King  positively  refused  to  undertake  any 
such  engagement,  and  he  remained  steadfast  in  his 
refusal  to  the  demand  which  Benedetti  repeated  with 
constantly  increasing  importunity ;  whereupon  they 
parted.  At  noon  the  King  received  a  letter  from  Prince 
Leopold's  father  in  which  was  confirmed  the  news  of  the 
Prince's   renunciation    already   conveyed    by    telegraph. 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  271 

Prince  Radziwill  was  at  once  sent  by  the  King  to  Bene- 
detti  with  this  intelligence  ;  and  with  the  statement  b 
the  King  that  he  now  sanctioned  the  withdrawal  of  Prince 
Leopold  '  in  the  same  sense  and  to  the  same  extent '  as 
he  had  approved  his  acceptance  of  the  Spanish  Crown, 
adding  the  remark  that  he  now  looked  upon  the  affair  as 
finally  settled.  The  French  Ambassador,  urged  on  by 
repeated  telegrams  from  Paris,  still  insisted  on  an 
audience  ;  but  he  was  several  times  in  the  course  of  the 
afternoon  informed  by  Prince  Radziwill  that  his  Majesty 
had  nothing  to  add  to  what  he  bad  already  said.  '  I 
have  just  met  the  King  at  the  railway  station,'  was 
Benedetti's  final  telegram  to  Paris  of  the  14th;  'he 
simply  said  he  had  nothing  more  to  tell  me,  and  that  any 
further  negotiations  would  be  conducted  by  his  Govern- 
ment' Benedetti  expressed  a  wish  to  take  leave  of  the 
King,  who  took  the  opportunity  of  courteously  recog- 
nising the  Ambassador.  From  Ems  Benedetti  left  for 
Paris ;  King  William  went  to  visit  the  Empress  at 
Coblentz,  and  from  the  moment  of  the  parting  of  the 
King  and  the  Ambassador  war  between  France  and 
Germany  was  in  effect  inevitable. 

On  the  evening  of  July  13  Roon  and  Moltke  dined 
with  Bismarck  in  Berlin.  During  dinner  came  a  telegram 
which  King  William  had  ordered  his  secretary  to  despatch 
from  Ems.  It  gave  an  account  of  the  demand  made  by 
Benedetti  that  the  King  should  bind  himself  for  the  future 
to  forbid  a  Hohenzollern  from  accepting  the  Crown  of 
Spain,  and  stating  also  that  his  Majesty  had  peremptorily 
refused  to  make  any  such  promise.  In  the  concluding 
sentence  of  the  telegram  the  King  suggested  to  his 
Minister  that  the  latter  should  communicate  its  contents 


272  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

to  the  press,  and  inform  the  representatives  of  Prussia  at 
foreign  Courts  of  the  new  demands  made  by  France  and 
of  their  rejection.  There  was  no  instruction  to  publish 
the  exact  words  of  the  telegram.  Bismarck  took  a 
pencil  and  composed  a  summary  of  it,  which  he  de- 
scribed in  terse  and  vigorous  terms.  He  then  ordered 
this  somewhat  truculent  summary  to  be  inserted  at 
once  in  an  extra  edition  of  the  '  Nord  Allgemeine 
Zeitung.'  Before  sending  from  the  room  this  forceful 
edition  of  the  Ems  telegram,  he  read  it  to  his  two  guests, 
whereupon  Moltke  exclaimed  :  '  Vorher  wars  chamade, 
jetzt  isfs  Fanfare  ! '  The  three  great  men  well  under- 
stood the  effect  which  the  promulgation  of  the  telegram 
would  have  on  public  opinion. 

During  the  night  it  was  wired  to  the  foreign  repre- 
sentatives of  Prussia,  with  instructions  that  they  should 
communicate  its  terms  to  the  Governments  to  which  they 
were  respectively  accredited.  On  the  morning  of  the 
14th,  while  the  French  Ministers  in  Paris  were  congratu- 
lating themselves  on  their  triumph  over  Bismarck  in  the 
immediate  future,  the  German  Ambassador  presented 
himself  to  announce  that  he  had  received  orders  to 
demand  his  passports  and  to  quit  France.  They  also 
presently  received  a  telegram  from  the  French  Charge" 
d  Affaires  2X  Berlin,  containing  the  tidings  of  the  communi- 
cation which  had  been  promulgated  there  and  which  had 
appeared  the  night  before  in  the  German  official  news- 
paper, as  also  its  effect  on  public  opinion.  Immediate 
war  could  not  now  be  averted  ;  but  it  is  fair  to  recognise 
that  Bismarck  resorted  to  arms  only  in  order  that  he 
might  anticipate  an  attack  which  he  was  aware  to  be  in 
course  of  preparation  against  Germany.     The  recently- 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  273 

published  Memoirs  of  the  late  General  Lebrun  conclu- 
sively prove  that  a  coalition  of  the  French  Emperor  and 
his  allies  against  Germany  had  actually  been  formed. 
That  General  was  deep  in  the  confidence  of  Napoleon. 
In  June,  1870  he  was  sent  to  Vienna  to  settle  a  plan  of 
campaign  against  Germany  in  which  France,  Italy,  and 
Austria  were  to  join.  The  political  preliminaries  had 
been  agreed  upon.  In  case  of  success  Italy  was  to  have 
Rome  ;  Austria  was  to  have  restored  to  her  the  Silesia 
which  Frederick  the  Great  had  rent  from  her  ;  and 
France  was  to  receive  Belgium  and  the  left  bank  of  the 
Rhine.  The  treaty  was  actually  drawn  up — all  it  wanted 
was  the  signature  of  the  three  Powers  ;  but  it  was  not 
signed  when  war  broke  out  in  July.  This  was  not 
the  fault  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon.  His  cousin  Prince 
Jerome  (Plon-Plon)  has  told  us  that  the  chief  cause  of 
the  hesitation  was  the  intense  feeling  existing  in  the 
Clerical  Party  in  France  against  handing  over  Rome  to 
the  Italians.  But  the  difficulty  as  regarded  Rome  was, 
after  all,  not  the  principal  reason  why  the  treaty  was  not 
ratified.  The  Emperor  Napoleon  had  calculated — he 
was  no  strategist — that  by  rapidity  of  concentration  he 
might  gain  some  advantage  over  Germany  and  perhaps 
even  win  an  important  battle.  If  so,  he  would  offer 
peace  to  the  King  of  Prussia  on  terms  of  alliance  against 
England,  assistance  for  the  conquest  of  Belgium  and  the 
cession  to  France  of  the  left  bank  of  the  Rhine  ;  Prussia 
in  return  to  receive  a  perfectly  free  hand  in  Germany. 
The  governing  idea  of  the  Emperor  was  the  formation 
of  a  strong  alliance  against  England.  This  is  proved 
in  actual  documents  ;  and  the  diary  of  the  Emperor 
Frederick  II.  shows  conclusively  that  Napoleon  III.  did 

T 


274  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

not  abandon  it  even  after  Sedan.  One  might  com- 
miserate his  downfall  even  if  he  had  been  an  unscru- 
pulous man  ;  but  to  be  plotting  coolly  against  the  nation 
in  the  bosom  of  which  he  had  found  cordial  sympathy, 
friendship,  and  a  free  asylum,  was  a  baseness  from  which 
the  most  cynical  of  men  might  recoil. 

The  King  of  Prussia  journeyed  to  Berlin  on  July  15. 
At  Brandenburg  he  was  met  by  the  Crown  Prince, 
Bismarck,  Moltke,  and  Roon  ;  and  he  immediately  gave 
orders  forthwith  to  mobilise  the  whole  army  of  the  North 
German  Confederation.  His  reception  in  Berlin  was 
most  enthusiastic.  After  some  rest  the  King  worked 
out  with  Bismarck,  Moltke,  and  Roon  all  the  necessary 
dispositions,  which  were  completed  early  on  the  morning 
of  the  16th,  so  thorough  was  the  state  of  Prussian  pre- 
paredness ;  nor  was  the  readiness  for  war  in  the  South 
German  States  far  behind.  On  the  16th  Bismarck 
explained  to  the  Federal  Council  the  sequence  of  circum- 
stances of  which  the  climax  had  been  reached  by  the 
manifest  determination  of  France  to  force  on  Germany 
either  humiliation  or  war  ;  and  on  the  19th  during  a 
sitting  of  the  Reichstag  he  entered  with  the  announce- 
ment that  he  had  just  received  from  the  French  Charge" 
a"  Affaires  the  formal  declaration  of  war  ;  '  the  first  and 
only  communication  received  from  the  French  Govern- 
ment on  the  subject  which  had  engrossed  the  attention 
of  the  world  during  the  previous  fortnight' 

The  powers  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  both  mental 
and  physical,  had  been  deteriorating  during  the  later 
troublous  years  of  his  reign.  He  had  lost  his  grip  as 
well  of  men  as  of  things  ;  and  his  domestic  and  social 
influences  warped  him  to  his  hurt.      During  the  swift  and 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  275 

sudden  events  that  led  up  to  the  actual  outbreak  of  the 
Franco-German  War,  Napoleon  was  more  than  ordinarily- 
enfeebled  by  his  sufferings  from  the  cruel  disorder  which 
at  intervals  he  had  endured  for  years.  The  advocates 
of  personal  government  were  constantly  endeavouring 
to  draw  him  back  to  the  Constitution  of  1852.  The 
Clericals  were  for  war,  and  for  the  disintegration  of  the 
powerful  Protestant  State  beyond  the  Rhine.  At  home 
the  populace  yelled  for  war  on  the  pretext  that  France 
had  to  avenge  Waterloo.  The  effect  of  the  wild  war- 
cries  of  Paris  was  the  gradual  but  natural  estrangement 
from  France  on  the  part  of  the  Powers.  As  the  negotia- 
tions ran  their  swift  course,  the  foreign  Governments 
became  convinced  that  France  not  only  thirsted  for  war 
but  was  wantonly  inciting  it.  Public  feeling  had  become 
almost  beyond  the  control  of  the  Government.  But  the 
Government,  under  pressure  of  events,  was  fast  losing 
the  control  of  itself.  Gramont  wrote  to  Benedetti  that 
further  delay  in  the  King's  answer  would  not  be  endured, 
adding  :  '  We  must  begin  ;  we  only  wish  for  your 
despatch  to  call  out  the  300,000  men.  If  the  King  will 
not  counsel  the  Hohenzollern  Prince  to  renounce — 
well,  it  is  war  at  once,  and  in  a  few  days  we  shall  be  on 
the  Rhine.' 

It  turned  out  that  it  was  the  Emperor  Napoleon  him- 
self who,  at  ten  p.m.  of  the  1 2th,  ordered  Benedetti  to  insist 
on  an  engagement  on  the  part  of  the  Prussian  King  that 
Prince  Leopold  should  not  re-enter  the  lists  as  candidate 
for  the  Spanish  Throne.  '  So  long,'  said  his  Majesty, 
'  as  we  have  not  an  official  communication  from  Ems,  we 
have  not  received  a  reply  to  our  just  demands  ;  so  long 

as  we  have  not  received  such  a   reply,  we  shall  continue 

T  2 


276  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

our  armaments.'     A   communication   from   Lord   Lyons 
inclined  the  Ministry  to  peace  ;  but  the  war-party  would 
not  yield.    With  the  one  hand  that  party  was  precipitating 
the  war  ;  with  the  other  it  was  putting  off  the  adoption 
of  the   only  means  of  waging  it   with   success.      Mean- 
time there  were  hesitation  and  indecision  in  the  French 
Cabinet.     At  a  meeting  of  the  Cabinet  on  the  afternoon 
of  the  14th,  after  a  protracted  discussion  it  was  resolved 
that  the  reserves  should  be  called  out.     The  Emperor 
was  ailing,  and   he   remained  a   silent  listener  until  the 
Due  de  Gramont  suggested  that  the  question  might  be 
solved  by  an  European   Congress.     That  was  the   Em- 
peror's favourite   expedient  ;  but   this  time  it  was  to  fail 
him.     Another  council  met  the  same  evening.     When 
the  Ministers  had  parted  at  six  o'clock  peace  appeared 
assured  ;  at  ten   it  was  war.     The  sudden   change  was 
attributed  to  the  communication  to  the  French  Govern- 
ment   of    Bismarck's    interview    with     Lord    Augustus 
Loftus  in  which  the  Prussian  Chancellor  formulated  the 
demands  he  had  determined  to  make,  and  to  the  news 
of  the  movements  of  German  troops  towards  the  Rhine. 
In  the  Cabinet  of  the  night  of  the  14th  Napoleon  was 
the  only  person  who  had  scruples  and  difficulties.      He  re- 
peatedly asked  of  his  Ministers,  'What  guarantees  they 
could  offer  him  ?  '     Of  course,  it  was  guarantees  of  success 
that  he   required — a    successful   war  would  have  given 
him  intense  satisfaction,  but  he  did  not  believe  in  the 
prospect  of  it.     The  dilemma  presented  itself — internal 
revolution  with  the  fall  of  the  dynasty  ;  or  war  for  the 
success  of  which  he  fain  would  have  guarantees.      He 
might  have  found  some  spurious  comfort  in  Lebceuf  the 
War  Minister.     That  valiant  impostor  declared  in   the 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  277 

council  that  the  French  army  was  perfectly  prepared  for 
war.  Asked  specifically  what  he  meant  by  that,  he 
replied  boldly  and  confidently,  (  I  mean  that  the  army  is 
perfectly  supplied  in  every  respect ;  and  that  it  will  not 
require  the  purchase  of  a  single  gaiter-button  for  a  year 
to  come — elk  est  archiprite!  The  war-party  was  cer- 
tainly in  force  that  night.  It  was  in  the  ascendant  in 
the  Palace  and  among  the  friends  of  the  dynasty.  It 
had  the  sympathies  of  the  Empress,  who  indeed  was  the 
chief  instigator  of  the  war  because  she  expected  that  it 
would  secure  the  Throne  to  her  son.  She  also  approved 
the  war  because  she  believed  that  the  honour  of  France 
demanded  it  ;  but  no  unbiassed  person  can  conceive 
that  her  share  in  its  responsibilities  was  traceable  to 
other  than  patriotic  motives. 

On  July  15  M.  Emile  Ollivier  demanded  a  credit  of 
500  million  francs  to  carry  on  the  war,  announcing  at 
the  same  time  that  the  reserves  of  the  army  had  been 
called  out.  On  the  19th  the  declaration  of  war  was 
presented  at  Berlin  by  M.  Le  Sourd,  the  same  Charge' 
a" Affaires  who  had  made  the  first  verbal  inquiry  with 
regard  to  the  candidateship  of  Prince  Hohenzollern. 

Lebceuf's  boast  of  the  efficiency  of  the  French  army 
was  falsified  within  a  fortnight  after  it  had  been  uttered. 
The  French  army  was  anything  but  prepared  for  war, 
and  the  very  mobilisation  showed  how  defective  were 
the  arrangements  made  by  the  War  Ministry.  The 
main  fortresses  on  the  eastern  frontier  were  not  put  into 
a  partial  state  of  defence  until  it  was  almost  too  late — some, 
indeed,  were  not  restored  at  all.  It  was  not  until  the 
beginning  of  August  that  the  corps  on  the  frontier  could 
draw  their  rations  out  of  the  magazines,  previous  to  which 


278  LIFE    OF   NAPOLEON    III 

time  the  soldiers  had  to  live  on  an  allowance  of  a  franc 
per  day.  Neither  in  Metz  nor  in  Thionville  were  there 
any  supplies.  Horses  had  to  be  bought  at  any  price  at 
the  last  moment.  There  was  an  immense  quantity  of 
maps,  but  they  were  all  maps  of  Germany.  General 
Douay,  appointed  to  command  the  7th  Corps,  on 
July  27  was  still  doing  duty  at  Paris  as  aide-de-camp  of 
the  Emperor ;  while  on  the  same  day  the  Minister  of 
War  was  ordering  him  to  report  from  Belfort  where  his 
divisions  were  and  how  far  their  organisation  had 
progressed.  General  Michel  reached  Belfort  on  July  21  ; 
and  reporting  his  arrival  to  Paris  stated  that  he  could 
find  neither  his  brigade  nor  the  general  of  his  division 
nor  could  he  ascertain  where  his  two  regiments  were. 

In  the  last  week  of  July  there  were  on  the  eastern 
frontier  of  France  and  somewhat  in  rear  eight  Army 
Corps,  as  follows  :  the  7th  Corps  at  Belfort  and  Colmar 
and  the  1st  Corps  at  Strasburg,  on  the  right  wing.  The 
5th  Corps  at  Bitche  and  the  2nd  at  St.  Avoid,  in  the 
centre.  The  4th  Corps  at  Thionville,  on  the  left  wing. 
As  reserve  to  the  5th  and  2nd  Corps  the  Imperial 
Guard  and  the  3rd  Corps  at  Metz,  behind  the  centre. 
As  general  reserve  for  the  whole  army  the  6th  Corps, 
at  Chalons,  Soissons,  and  Paris.  Those  troops  if 
complete  in  their  full  war  establishment  should  have 
represented  a  total  of  337,000  combatants ;  but  the 
reserves  not  having  joined  promptly  and  later  only  in 
deficient  numbers,  the  infantry  battalions  were  con- 
siderably below  their  proper  strength.  The  Emperor 
had  reckoned  on  a  field  army  300,000  strong  at  the 
beginning  of  August,  but  probably  there  were  not  above 
220,000  combatants  in  the  first   line,  with  some  50,000 


THE    PRINCE    IMPERIAL   ABOUT    1870 
{From  a  photograph  by  W.  and  D.  Downey,  57  Ebury  Street) 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  279 

reserves  and  1,000  guns  including  mitrailleuses.  The 
Germans  entered  France  384,000  strong  with  double 
that  number  of  reserves. 

On  July  28  the  Emperor,  accompanied  by  the  Prince 
Imperial,  departed  to  join  the  army  in  the  field.  In  a 
retired  part  of  the  park  of  St.  Cloud  a  level  passage 
had  been  cut  and  a  small  platform  provided,  enabling 
the  Imperial  family  to  join  the  railway  without  passing 
through  Paris.  Presently  the  Emperor,  along  with  the 
Empress  and  their  son,  issued  from  the  private  apart- 
ments and  walked  towards  the  park  entrance,  shaking 
hands  with  and  addressing  kind  words  to  those  whom  he 
met  on  his  way.  Napoleon  wore  the  dress  of  a  General  of 
Division  ;  the  Prince  Imperial  that  of  a  Sub-Lieutenant. 
While  the  Generals  were  entering  the  carriages  the 
Emperor  remarked  that  the  suite  and  entourage  formed 
a  corps  darmde  of  themselves.  The  train  was  ready, 
and  after  one  last  embrace  to  husband  and  son  the 
Empress  descended  to  the  platform.  The  signal  was 
given  and  the  whistle  sounded  ;  and  as  the  train  moved 
the  Empress  called  out  to  her  son,  '  Do  your  duty, 
Louis  ! '  All  present  uncovered,  and  the  train  moved 
forward  amid  shouts  of  '  Vive  V Empereur  /'  Napoleon's 
health  was  very  seriously  impaired  before  and  during  the 
war  of  1870  ;  possibly  he  had  the  presentiment  that  he 
was  looking  for  the  last  time  on  the  beautiful  chateau 
which  had  been  his  favourite  home. 

On  his  arrival  at  Metz  the  Emperor  was  painfully 
disappointed  by  the  state  of  things  he  found  in  the  army. 
He  could  not  but  recognise  that  it  was  still  unable  to 
take  the  field,  and  lamentations  came  pouring  in  from  all 
quarters  as  to  the  innumerable  and  serious  deficiencies 


28o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

of  the  military  administration  which,  as  it  seemed,  no 
amount  of  exertion  could  remedy.  Napoleon  must  have 
had  the  sad  realisation  that  France,  notwithstanding  the 
repeated  assurances  of  the  official  authorities  and  the 
confidence  of  the  nation,  was  totally  unprepared  to  carry 
on  a  great  war.  Yet  the  proclamation  which  he  issued 
when  at  Metz  he  assumed  the  Command-in-Chief  of 
'  the  Army  of  the  Rhine '  contained  expressions  of 
proud  hope,  intermingled,  however,  with  others  which 
betrayed  apprehensions  ;  and  it  carefully  refrained  from 
representing  the  enemy  as  likely  to  be  easily  vanquished, 
as  the  so-called  public  opinion  of  France  was  freely 
assuming. 

But  the  army  had  to  be  doing  something  for  its 
credit's  sake  ;  and  the  Emperor  determined  on  making 
an  advance  against  Saarbrticken,  a  small  Prussian  town 
on  the  river  Saar,  about  two  miles  inside  the  frontier 
line  between  France  and  Germany.  Saarbrticken  was 
an  open  town  totally  destitute  of  defences  ;  it  had  been 
occupied  since  the  declaration  of  war  by  a  battalion  of 
the  40th  Hohenzollern  regiment  and  three  squadrons  of 
the  7th  Uhlans.  The  force  detailed  to  attack  this  little 
place  with  its  insignificant  Prussian  garrison  consisted  of 
three  French  Army  Corps  or  about  80,000  men.  The 
5th  Corps  (Failly)  was  on  the  right ;  the  2nd  (Frossard) 
in  the  centre  ;  and  on  the  left  the  3rd  (Bazaine).  The 
direct  attack  on  Saarbrticken  was  to  be  executed  by 
Frossard's  Corps,  which  for  some  days  previous  had 
been  in  bivouac  on  the  Spicheren  plateau  about  four 
miles  south-west  of  Saarbnicken.  About  ten  a.m.  of 
Aug.  2  Frossard  began  the  advance.  Bataille's  di- 
vision of  the  2nd  Corps  formed  the  first  line.     On  the 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  281 

right  of  the  high-road  Bastoul's  brigade  descended  the 
Spicheren  heights,  crossed  the  intervening  valley,  and 
moved  on  the  ridges  covering  Saarbrticken  ;  on  the  left 
Pouget's  brigade  moved  forward  towards  the  drill- 
ground.  Three  squadrons  of  chasseurs  scoured  the 
ground  to  the  front.  In  rear  of  Frossard's  right  wing 
followed  Micheler's  brigade  of  Laveaucoupet's  division; 
in  rear  of  the  left  Valaze's  brigade  belonging  to  Verge's 
division.  The  remainder  of  the  Corps  followed  in 
reserve. 

Meanwhile  the  two  Prussian  companies  in  front  of 
Saarbrticken  moved  out  at  once  into  the  line  of  outposts. 
The  post  of  the  Winterberg  which  was  most  immediately 
threatened,  wTas  promptly  strengthened.  The  company 
in  St.  Johann  doubled  out  to  the  '  Rothe  Haus '  post. 
The  Lowenburg  was  occupied  and  part  of  a  company 
went  to  St.  Arnual.  A  skirmishing  division  and  two 
guns  brought  up  from  Raschpftihl  under  Lieutenant 
Meyer  received  with  a  brisk  fire  the  enemy  debouching 
from  the  Stiftswald.  General  Micheler  on  his  side  also 
brought  up  a  battery ;  but  Meyer  maintained  his  position 
in  spite  of  the  French  skirmishers.  The  Prussian 
garrison  had  thus  been  successful  in  maintaining  timely 
opposition  to  the  French  at  all  points.  But  it  was 
impossible  for  a  force  so  scanty  to  resist  for  any  length 
of  time  the  enveloping  attack  of  a  whole  Army  Corps. 
A  steady  and  deliberate  retreat  with  frequent  brisk  rallies 
and  occasional  conflicts  with  the  French  skirmishers  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet  was  carried  out  with  entire 
absence  of  hurry.  The  Saar  was  crossed  and  the  gallant 
little  garrison  of  Saarbrticken  retired  upon  Raschpfuhl. 

It   was  on  this   day,  Aug.  2,    1870,   that   the   Prince 


282  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Imperial,   then   a  boy  of  fourteen,    in   the  words  of  his 
father   '  received  his  baptism  of  fire.'     I  was  watching 
from  the  drill-ground  above  Saarbriicken  the  oncoming 
swarm-attack   of    Bataille's    tirailleurs,    firing    as    they 
hurried  across  the  plain.     The  tirailleurs  had  passed  the 
Galgenberg,  a   low  ridge    on    the  bosom  of  the  valley 
about  midway  between  the   Spicheren  hill  and  where  I 
stood.      Presently  the  Galgenberg  was  crowned  by  two 
horsemen  followed  by  a  great  staff.     The  telescope  told 
me  that  without  a  doubt  the  senior  of  the  two  foremost 
riders  was  the  Emperor  Napoleon,  and  that  the  younger, 
shorter  and  slighter — mere  lad  he  seemed — was  the  Prince 
Imperial,  whom  we  knew  to  be  with  his  father  in  the  field. 
The  exertion  of  the  day  told   cruelly  on  the  Emperor. 
An  eye-witness  wrote  :  '  After  Saarbriicken  Lebrun  and 
Lebceuf  had  to  lift  him  off  his  horse.     The  Prince  was 
by  his  side  all  the  time  and  looked  very  distressed,  for 
his  father  had  scarcely  spoken  to  him  during  the  engage- 
ment.     But  after  they  got  into  the  carriage  the  Emperor 
put  his  arm  round  his  son's  neck  and  kissed  him  on  the 
cheeks,  while  two  large  tears  rolled  down  his  own.      I 
noticed  that  the  Emperor  had  hardly  strength  to  walk 
from  his  horse  to  the  carriage.'     On  Aug.  4  appeared  the 
following  despatch  in  the  'Journal  Officiel '  :  'To-day, 
Aug.    2,  at  eleven  a.m.  the  French  troops  had  a  severe 
engagement   with   the   Prussians.     Our  army,  assuming 
the  offensive,  crossed  the  frontier  and  invaded  the  terri- 
tory of  Prussia.      In  spite  of  the  strength  of  the  enemy's 
position   a  few  of  our  battalions  sufficed    to    carry    the 
heights  which  command   Saarbriicken,  and  our  artillery 
soon  drove  the  enemy  from  the  town.     The  dan  of  our 
soldiers  was  so  great  that  our  losses  have  been  slight. 


I  UK    PRINCE    IMPERIAL   As   A   CADET 


OUTBREAK  OF  FRANCO-GERMAN  WAR  283 

The  engagement,  which  began  at  eleven,  was  over  at 
one.  The  Emperor  was  with  the  Prince  Imperial,  who 
has  received  upon  the  first  battle-field  of  the  campaign 
the  baptism  of  fire.  His  presence  of  mind  and  coolness 
in  danger  were  worthy  of  the  name  he  bears.' 

The  Emperor  addressed  to  the  Empress  the  follow- 
ing private  despatch  :  '  Louis  has  received  his  baptism  of 
fire.  His  coolness  was  admirable  ;  he  was  not  in  the 
least  degree  excited.  .  .  .  We  were  in  the  front,  and  the 
balls  and  bullets  fell  at  our  feet.  Louis  has  kept  a  ball 
that  fell  near  him.  Some  of  the  soldiers  wept  on  seeing 
how  calm  he  remained.  We  had  only  one  officer  and 
ten  men  killed. — Napoleon.' 

It  is  rare  that  a  '  severe  engagement '  occurs  in  which 
only  one  officer  and  ten  men  are  killed.  As  a  matter  of 
fact,  according  to  the  official  record  the  French  loss  in 
the  Saarbrucken  skirmish  amounted  to  six  officers  and 
eighty  men.  The  Prussian  casualties  were  four  officers 
and  seventy-nine  men. 


284  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


CHAPTER   XIV 

FROM    SAARBRUCKEN    TO    SEDAN 

That  four  companies  of  Prussian  infantry  and  three 
squadrons  of  Prussian  Uhlans  should  have  made  a 
deliberate  and  orderly  retreat  before  a  French  Army 
Corps  scarcely  wore  the  aspect  of  a  great  triumph  for  the 
Army  Corps,  but  nevertheless  the  petty  affair  at  Saar- 
briicken  was  regarded  in  Paris  as  an  important  success. 
Napoleon  knew  better  ;  he  was  not  a  great  commander, 
but  he  was  quite  aware  that  the  loss  of  '  one  officer  and 
ten  men  killed '  could  scarcely  be  said  to  constitute  a 
'  severe  engagement'  After  Saarbrucken  on  Aug.  2  the 
2nd,  3rd,  and  4th  French  Army  Corps  remained  inactive 
on  the  left  bank  of  the  Saar  until  the  4th,  when  the  defeat 
of  General  Abel  Douay's  division  at  Weissenburg  on  that 
day  became  known.  The  Emperor  then  gave  orders  to 
concentrate  the  army  and  to  recall  it  towards  Metz  ;  and 
he  gave  to  Marshal  Bazaine  the  command  of  the  three 
Corps  of  the  Saar.  The  2nd  Corps,  however,  remained 
on  the  Spicheren  plateau  until  the  6th,  from  which 
position  on  that  day  it  was  driven  with  heavy  loss  by 
bodies  of  Prussian  troops  of  about  equal  strength.  On  the 
same  day  Marshal  MacMahon,  while  holding  the  strong 
position  of  Worth  on  the  eastern  foot-hills  of  the  northern 
Vosges  with  the  1st  Corps  and  a  division  of  the  7th,  was 


FROM  SAARBRUCKEN  TO  SEDAN  285 

assailed  in  greatly  superior  strength  by  the  army  of  the 

Prussian  Crown  Prince  ;  and  after  a  long,  bloody,  and 

desperate    battle    was    utterly    defeated    and    his    army 

shattered  into  headlong  rout.     The  5th  Corps,  which  had 

been  ordered  to  join  MacMahon's  force,  could  not  reach 

the  Marshal  in  time  for  the  battle,  but  de  Failly  joined  the 

retreat  from  the  Bitche  vicinity  and  the  two  Corps  hurried 

in  disorder  across  the  Vosges  towards  Luneville.     The 

defeats  of  Spicheren,  Worth,  and  all  the  early  ruin,  presage 

true  of  the  wretched  end,  came  bickering  and  crumbling 

about  the  ears  of  the  unhappy  Emperor.      Bazaine  in  the 

real  stress  of  things  had  got  the  handling  of  those  three 

Corps  '  of  the  Saar,'  one  of  which,  the  2nd,  had  already 

been  badly  mauled  on  the  6th  in  the  Spicheren  battle. 

Insubordination  and  confusion  hampered  him  at  every 

turn.     All  he  could  do  was  to  work  out  there  in  the  front, 

conducting  the  retreat,  covering  the  ragged  edges,  trying 

to  keep  the  men  in  heart.     At  length,  in  a  paroxysm  of 

worry,  the  Emperor  came  out  from  Metz  to  consult  with 

Bazaine,   the  man   to  whom  he  turned  when  he  found 

Lebceuf  and  the  others  to  be  like  the  crackling  of  thorns 

under  a  pot.     The  rendezvous  was  Faulquemont,  a  little 

dunghill  village  to  the   south-east    of   Metz.      Bazaine's 

advice  had  a  ring  of  soldierhood  in  it,  but  the  Emperor, 

quivering  with  nervousness   because  of  the  Paris  mob, 

would  accept  no  suggestion  that  involved  the  uncover- 

ment  of   Paris  even    in    appearance.     So   Bazaine    was 

bidden  to  take  up  a  line  of  battle  nearer  Metz  and  '  give 

up  this  new  hope  of  being  allowed  to  make  an  effective 

diversion.' 

The  blackness  of  the  cloud  overhanging  the  Empire 
grew  denser,  and  the  plot  began  that  was  to  ruin  Bazaine. 


286  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Pietri  telegraphed  an  urgent  '  confidential '  from  the 
Empress  that  it  should  be  insisted  on  that  the  Emperor 
must  surrender  the  Command-in-Chief  to  Bazaine.  The 
message  thus  continued :  'If  misfortune  should  still 
pursue  the  army,  Bazaine  then  would  be  the  subject  of 
obloquy  and  so  take  the  onus  of  the  responsibility  off 
the  Emperor's  shoulders.'  Bazaine  did  not  know  of  the 
plot,  but  he  distrusted  his  own  capacity  for  the  high 
duty  of  the  Command-in-Chief.  There  were  two  officers 
in  the  army  who  were  his  seniors.  So  when  he  got  the 
'  letter  of  service '  to  take  the  command,  he  betook 
himself  to  the  Imperial  headquarters  and  urged  that 
both  MacMahon  and  Canrobert  were  older  and  better 
officers  than  himself.  MacMahon  had  other  work  re- 
served for  him  ;  Canrobert  was  equal  to  his  Crimean 
antecedent  of  shirking  reponsibility.  '  You  are  the  right 
man,'  said  the  Emperor  to  Bazaine,  '  and  it  is  an  order  I 
give  you  to  take  the  duties.'  The  Emperor  must  have 
felt  a  thrill  of  compassion  for  the  man  on  whose 
shoulders  was  laid  the  cross  which  he  had  let  fall.  In 
the  letters  which  the  Emperor  wrote  to  Bazaine,  both 
after  the  capitulation  of  Metz  and  while  Bazaine  lay 
under  the  sentence  of  death  pronounced  by  the  Trianon 
court-martial  two  years  later,  there  are  expressions 
which  have  a  note  of  genuine  tenderness.  '  I  find,'  wrote 
Napoleon  from  his  Wilhelmshohe  captivity,  '  one  real 
consolation  in  the  depths  of  misfortune  into  which  I  am 
plunged,  in  knowing  that  you  have  always  been  staunch 
to  me.'  He  could  say  no  less  to  the  man  before  whom 
loomed  the  fate  of  being  stripped  of  everything  dearest 
to  the  soldier — of  reputation,  of  decorations  cut  from  out 
the  hostile  ranks,  because  he  had  held  himself  bound  to 


FROM  SAARBRUCKEN  TO  SEDAN  287 

the  allegiance   to   which   his    soldier-oath    had    pledged 
him. 

A  Commander-in-Chief  in  name,  a  buffer  and  a  scape- 
goat in   reality,    Bazaine   had   toiled  hard   amidst   many 
discouragements  to  get  the  army  out  of  Metz  and  for- 
ward on  the  march  of  retreat  towards  Verdun.     At  that 
army's  rear  the  masterful   Prussians  had  struck  hard  on 
the  14th  and  so   brought  about  the  battle  of  Borny  as 
the  French  call  it,  or  Colombey  as  the  Germans   name 
it,  on   the   eastern  face   of  Metz.      No  great   organiser, 
Bazaine  was  in   his   element  the   moment  that  the  war- 
music  began  to  make  the  air  throb.      He  turned  fiercely 
and  skilfully  at  bay,  and  although  the  fight  won  for  the 
Prussians  the  delay  for  which  they  had  made  it,  Bazaine 
charged  them   a  considerable  effusion  of  blood   for  the 
advantage  which  he  had  no  alternative  but  to  concede. 
Bazaine  was  a  man  to  whom  fortune  was  never  stingy  in 
the  matter  of  wounds.      In  the  Borny  fight  a  shell-frag- 
ment struck  him  on  the  left  shoulder ;    but  it  had  been 
almost  spent  and    gave    him    only    a  severe   contusion. 
The  fight  over  and  the  troops  now  again  beginning  to 
move  through  Metz  westward  towards  Verdun,  Bazaine 
bethought  himself  of  his  master's  anxiety  to  know  the 
situation.       That    master    was    the    white    elephant    of 
Bazaine  and  the  army  ;  but  in  the  countries  where  white 
elephants  are,  they  live  objects  of  sanctity.     The  Imperial 
headquarters    were    for    the    night    in    the    Chateau    of 
Longueville,  a  residence  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Moselle 
valley    nestled    comfortably    under    the   guns    of    Fort 
St.  Quentin.      Thither  in  the  dead  of  night,  struggling 
his   way   through  the  retreating   army   jammed    in    the 
narrow  streets  of  Metz,  Bazaine  betook  himself,  carrying 


288  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

his  bruised  shoulder  from  the  battle-field.  Of  what 
followed  it  seems  best  to  let  Bazaine  tell  in  his  blunt  but 
surely  not  ineffective  way : — '  I  found  his  Majesty  unwell 
and  in  bed  ' — the  malady  that  killed  Napoleon  a  few 
years  later  had  long  previously  been  debilitating  him — 
'  and  I  was  immediately  admitted  into  his  bedroom. 
The  Emperor  greeted  me  with  his  wonted  kind  affability. 
I  told  him  what  had  passed,  about  the  battle,  &c,  and  I 
gave  vent  also  to  my  anxieties  in  regard  to  the  next  few 
days.  I  mentioned  that  I  was  suffering  physically,  and 
adding  my  fear  that  I  could  not  endure  the  pain  the  con- 
tusion caused  me  when  on  horseback,  I  begged  that  he 
would  relieve  me  from  the  command.  His  Majesty, 
touching  my  shoulder  where  the  torn  epaulette  showed 
the  spot  on  which  I  had  been  struck,  answered  me  with 
that  kind  humour  which  charmed  all  who  came  within  its 
influence:  "This  is  nothing  serious,  dear  Marshal;  it 
is  a  matter  of  but  a  few  days  ;  and  the  blow  you  have 
received  to-day  is  but  the  token  that  it  is  you  who  are 
destined  to  break  the  spell  of  our  ill-fortune."  Those 
were  the  Emperor's  very  words.  He  gave  no  hint  that 
he  had  any  other  thought  than  to  remain  with  the  army.' 
'  "  I  wait,"  continued  Napoleon — seemingly  still 
nourishing  his  illusions — '  "  I  wait  for  answers  from  the 
Emperor  of  Austria  and  the  King  of  Italy,  who  at  the 
beginning  of  the  war  evinced  a  disposition  to  befriend 
us  ;  for  Heaven's  sake  risk  nothing  by  rashness  and 
above  everything  avoid  any  fresh  reverse.  I  am  lean- 
ing on  you,"  were  Napoleon's  final  words.'  As  Bazaine 
passed  through  the  outer  room  the  officers  of  the  Imperial 
entourage  called  out  to  him,  '  You  are  going  to  fetch  us 
out  of  this  hole  we  have  got  into,  are  you  not,  Marshal  ? ' 


FROM  SAARBRUCKEN  TO  SEDAN  289 

'  I  am  going  to  do  my  best,  gentlemen,'  answered 
Bazaine  ;  '  tout  mon  possible ;  none  of  us  can  do  more, 
and  there  are  none  of  us  who  would  do  less  ! '  And  so 
the  sorely  troubled  man  went  out  into  the  darkness  and 
consoled  his  bruised  shoulder  with  a  few  short  hours' 
sleep. 

This  was  on  the  night  between  Aug.  14  and  15. 
What  happened  next  morning  was  told  me  in  Zululand 
by  the  Prince  Imperial.  He  was  asleep  in  the  bedroom 
next  to  his  father's.  A  crash  awoke  the  lad,  and  he 
was  still  bewildered  when  the  Emperor  rushed  into  the 
room  :  '  Get  up  and  dress  ;  quick,  Louis — quick  !  The 
German  shells  are  falling  through  the  roof! '  It  was  so  ; 
a  Prussian  battery  had  galloped  up  on  the  opposite  bank 
of  the  Moselle  to  within  range  and  the  gunners  had 
opened  fire  on  the  Chateau  of  Longueville.  As  the 
Prince  looked  out  of  the  window  while  he  hastily  dressed 
he  saw  a  shell  fall  on  the  table  in  the  garden  at  which 
some  officers  of  the  Guard  were  breakfasting  ;  and  when 
the  smoke  of  the  explosion  blew  aside  three  of  the 
officers  were  dead  men.  The  carriages  and  baggage 
might  follow — Gravelotte  was  the  rendezvous  given  ;  but 
meanwhile  the  business  in  hand  was  to  get  from  under 
that  shell-fire.  There  was  a  hurried  cup  of  coffee  for 
Louis  and  his  father ;  then  they  and  the  suite  went 
quickly  to  horse  and  the  abominable  German  shells  were 
soon  left  behind.  Near  the  village  of  Lessy  the  high- 
road to  Gravelotte,  cumbered  with  the  impedimenta  of 
a  disorderly  retreat,  presented  an  absolute  block.  An 
interminable  delay  threatened  to  befall  the  Imperial 
party.  But  Prince  Louis  during  the  early  days  at  Metz, 
while  as  yet  the  Germans  were  afar  off,  had  clone  much 

u 


290  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

riding  about  the  adjacent  country.  Quietly  bidding 
some  soldiers  to  make  a  gap  in  the  fence  he  called  out, 
'  Follow  me,  father ! '  and  led  the  way  across  country  by 
a  vineyard  track  the  trend  of  which  he  knew.  So  the 
lad  conducted  his  seniors  down  into  the  valley  by  Chatel, 
then  up  on  to  the  ridge  which  three  days  later  was  to  be 
littered  with  corpses,  past  the  auberge  of  St.  Hubert  not 
yet  battered  into  dust  and  blood,  down  into  the  Mance 
ravine  not  then  a  ghastly  shamble,  and  so  up  the  slope 
between  the  poplar-trees  to  the  village  of  Gravelotte, 
lying  in  the  angle  where  bifurcate  the  upper  and  the 
lower  roads  from  Metz  to  Verdun. 

Thither,  at  least  as  yet,  came  no  German  shells,  and 
the  hunted  Napoleons  could  draw  breath.  The  Em- 
peror, after  resting  an  hour,  took  to  tramping  to  and  fro 
in  front  of  the  post-house  which  he  had  made  his 
quarters.  It  was  his  habit  in  trouble.  I  saw  him  later 
doing  just  the  same  thing  in  the  potato  patch  of  the 
weaver's  garden  on  the  Donchery  road  on  the  way  from 
Sedan,  during  the  interval  when  Bismarck  left  him.  As 
Napoleon  stalked  up  and  down  pondering  uneasily,  he 
was  unconsciously  making  history,  and  just  as  uncon- 
sciously he  was  moving  in  the  heart  of  a  scene  waiting 
to  be  made  historical  ere  many  hours  had  passed  ;  for 
over  against  him  was  the  old  church  of  Gravelotte  on 
the  edge  of  the  graveyard  of  which  the  dead  of  the 
impending  battle  were  to  be  utilised  for  breastworks. 
To  the  Emperor,  about  one  of  the  afternoon,  came 
the  harassed  Bazaine.  Like  Martha,  the  Marshal  was 
'  careful  and  troubled  about  many  things.'  He 
tells  :  '  I  complimented  his  Majesty  on  his  fete  day'  (a 
cheerful  fete   day    truly !  )    'by    presenting   him  with  a 


FROM  SAARBRUCKEN  TO  SEDAN  291 

little  nosegay  I  had  gathered  in  the  garden  of  my 
last  night's  quarters.'  The  Emperor  gave  thanks  for  the 
courtesy  ;  and  then,  his  trouble  recurring  on  him,  he 
asked  in  a  troubled  voice,  '  Must  I  quit  the  army  ? ' 
Bazaine,  in  surprise,  bewilderment,  and  embarrassment, 
begged  of  him  at  least  to  await  events  yet  a  little 
longer.  So  Napoleon  turned  to  his  people  and  said, 
'  We  will  remain,  gentlemen,  but  do  not  have  the 
baggage  unpacked.'  '  During  this  colloquy,'  says 
Bazaine,  '  the  soldiers,  melancholy  and  beaten  out,  con- 
tinued to  defile  along  the  road  in  front  of  the  post-house. 
Not  a  single  cheer;  not  one  "  Vive  I ' E?npereur /"  came 
from  the  broken  and  straggling  ranks  at  the  sight  of 
that  Sovereign  and  his  son  so  enthusiastically  acclaimed 
but  a  few  days  before.  The  moral  influence  of  the 
retreat  had  already  so  lowered  the  tone  of  the  army !  ' 
Is  it  not  a  sombre  etching,  bitten  in  deeply  by  a  few 
strong  strokes  ? 

Those  two  men,  Emperor  and  Marshal,  parted  on 
the  following  morning,  and  for  ever.  Bazaine  thus 
abruptly  pulls  down  the  curtain  :  '  On  the  morning  of 
the  1 6th  the  Emperor  sent  a  galloper  to  find  me.  I 
lost  not  a  moment,  but  rode  alone  at  full  speed  to 
the  Imperial  quarters.  I  found  his  Majesty  in  his 
carriage  along  with  the  Prince  Imperial  and  Prince 
Napoleon.  General  de  France's  cavalry  brigade  was 
already  on  horseback  to  escort  the  Emperor.  I  had  got 
no  intimation  in  advance  of  those  arrangements.  I  rode 
up  to  the  carriage  without  dismounting.  The  Emperor 
seemed  to  be  suffering,  and  he  said  to  me  but  a  few 
words  :    "I     have    decided    to    leave     for    Verdun    and 

Chalons.      Get  you   on    for   Verdun    as    best    you    can. 

u  2 


292  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

The  gendarmes  have   left   Briey  because   the   Prussian 
scouts  are  in  that  village."  ' 

Bazaine  recorded  no  farewell,  so  abrupt  was  the  part- 
ing. Napoleon  whirled  away  out  of  bad  into  worse, 
until  what  relief  the  very  worst  could  bring  came  to  him 
after  Sedan.  The  same  afternoon  Bazaine  was  in  the 
heart  of  the  fierce  melee  of  Vionville,  stemming  with  his 
own  sword  through  the  dust  of  the  hand-to-hand  struggle 
a  whirlwind  charge  of  the  Brunswick  Hussars. 

Towards  evening  of  the  16th  the  Emperor  reached 
the  camp  of  Chalons,  having  ridden  from  Verdun  in  a 
crowded  third-class  carriage.  His  arrival  in  the  camp 
was  unheralded  by  drum  or  trumpet,  and  he  installed 
himself  in  his  quarters  with  the  knowledge  only  of  his 
staff.  Marshal  MacMahon  had  just  reached  the  camp 
with  the  i  st  Corps,  only  partially  reorganised  after  the 
rout  from  Worth.  The  12th  Corps,  then  in  process  of 
formation  in  the  camp,  was  originally  intended  to  be 
given  to  General  Trochu,  but  its  command  ultimately 
was  bestowed  on  General  Lebrun.  Neither  the  5th  nor 
the  7th  Corps  had  as  yet  reached  the  camp.  Disorder 
reigned  supreme  in  the  camp,  which  seemed  to  be  given 
over  to  pillage.  Instead  of  smart  and  peremptory 
generals  there  were  commanders  in  dirty  uniforms  who 
seemed  afraid  of  showing  themselves  to  their  men. 
Instead  of  the  fine  regiments  of  other  days  there  was  a 
mass  of  beings  without  discipline,  cohesion,  or  mark  of 
rank — the  swarms  of  dirty,  unarmed  soldiers  known  as 
{soles.  Outside  the  tents  and  huts,  squatting  or  lying 
around  the  bivouac  fires,  without  arms  and  their  uniforms 
in  shreds,  were  the  {sole's  of  MacMahon.  the  fugitives 
from    Reichshoffen,    the    remnants   of    regiments    over- 


FROM  SAARBRUCKEN  TO  SEDAN  293 

whelmed  and  dispersed  by  defeat ;  soldiers  of  the  line 
without  rifles  or  ammunition-pouches,  Zouaves  in 
drawers,  Turcos  without  turbans,  dragoons  without 
helmets,  cuirassiers  without  cuirasses,  hussars  without 
sabre-tasches.  The  Emperor's  pavilion  had  been  looted 
by  the  ruffian  '  Moblots  '  ;  his  baggage  plundered  and 
his  very  shirts  put  up  to  auction. 

The  confusion  was  heightened  by  incursion  after  in- 
cursion of  drunk  and  reckless  Mobiles  from  Paris.  Each 
contingent  was  more  insolent  and  unmanageable  than 
the  one  which  had  preceded  it.  Masses  of  undisciplined 
blackguards  surrounded  the  quarters  of  the  Emperor, 
heaping  on  him  foul  and  brutal  insults  which  neverthe- 
less the  officers  did  not  care  to  resent.  A  council  of 
war  was  held  on  the  morning  of  the  17th,  which  was 
attended  by  Marshal  MacMahon,  Prince  Napoleon,  and 
several  other  generals  including  Trochu.  It  was  resolved 
that  the  Emperor,  having  resigned  the  Command-in- Chief 
of  the  army,  should  return  to  Paris  and  there  resume  with 
vigour  the  reins  of  Government.  General  Trochu  was 
appointed  by  the  Emperor  to  the  position  of  Governor 
of  Paris,  and  also  to  the  chief  command  of  all  the  troops 
available  for  the  defence  of  the  capital,  inclusive  of  the 
insubordinate  levies  of  Mobiles  who  had  been  sent  to 
Chalons  but  who  were  forthwith  to  be  sent  back  to 
Paris.  Trochu  was  to  precede  the  Emperor  and  prepare 
everything  at  Paris  for  his  Majesty's  reception  there.  It 
was  further  decided  on  that  MacMahon's  army,  as  soon 
as  concentrated  in  the  Chalons  camp,  should  march  on 
Paris  and  accept  a  battle  there  if  necessary  for  the 
defence  of  the  capital.  In  Paris,  however,  the  decisions 
of  the   Emperor  were  put  aside  without  scruple.     The 


294  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Empress-Regent  and  the  Ministers  professed  that  the 
Emperor's  return  to  the  Tuileries,  having  regard  to  the 
excitement  existing  in  the  city,  would  involve  serious 
danger  to  the  Emperor's  life  and  to  the  dynasty ; 
and  they  conveyed  to  him  the  most  serious  warnings 
against  the  project  he  had  favoured.  The  retreat  of 
MacMahon's  army  to  Paris  was  also  strongly  opposed 
on  the  ground  that  such  a  step  would  gravely  wound 
the  national  vanity. 

The  Emperor  consequently  abandoned  the  project  of 
returning  to  Paris  and  resuming  the  direction  of  affairs  ; 
he  determined  to  remain  with  MacMahon's  army  in  the 
capacity  of  a  private  individual  of  distinction.  Virtually, 
indeed,  he  abdicated  at  this  time,  in  the  height  of  a 
crisis  when  France  was  more  than  ever  in  need  of  the 
determined  and  energetic  leadership  of  one  man.  To 
(ill  up  the  measure  of  France's  disasters,  not  only  did 
Palikao's  Ministry  arrogate  to  itself  the  right  of  interfering 
with  military  operations  ;  but  even  the  Privy  Council  and 
the  Presidents  of  both  Chambers  did  the  same  under 
the  aegis  of  the  Empress-Regent,  instead  of  leaving  the 
direction  of  military  operations  to  professional  soldiers. 

It  is  impossible  to  describe  in  the  space  at  command 
the  details  of  the  battles  of  Vionville-Mars  la  Tour  and 
St.  Privat-Gravelotte,  the  former  fought  on  Aug.  16, 
the  latter  on  the  18th.  The  hero  of  the  first-named 
battle  was  the  Prussian  General  Alvensleben  II.,  com- 
manding the  3rd  Prussian  Army  Corps.  With  this 
single  corps,  a  force  of  about  30,000  men  inclusive  of 
two  cavalry  divisions,  Alvensleben  for  five  long  hours 
withstood  the  repeated  attacks  of  the  whole  French 
Army   of  the    Rhine.      Bredow's    cavalry    charge   from 


FROM  SAARBRUCKEN  TO  SEDAN  295 

Vionville  up  to  the  edge  of  the  Roman  road  was  an 
exploit  that  will  live  for  ever  in  the  history  of  war. 
Later  in  the  day  Prince  Frederick  Charles  assumed  the 
command  ;  the  Germans  were  reinforced  and  fierce 
fighting  continued  until  darkness  set  in.  That  the 
Germans,  notwithstanding  their  inferiority  in  numbers, 
achieved  a  great  strategical  victory  cannot  be  questioned. 
The  slaughter  was  immense.  The  losses  were  about 
equal  ;  each  side  suffered  to  the  amount  of  17,000  men. 

The  battle  of  St.  Privat-Gravelotte  was  a  yet  more 
stupendous  struggle  than  the  contest  of  Vionville-Mars 
la  Tour.  The  French  army  with  a  strength  of  about 
140,000  men  occupied  the  long  commanding  ridge  in 
front  of  Metz,  from  the  village  of  St.  Privat  on  the  right 
to  St.  Ruffin  on  the  left,  a  length  of  about  seven  miles. 
On  the  part  of  the  French  the  whole  disposition  for  the 
battle  was  purely  defensive,  and  could  not  well  have 
been  otherwise.  On  the  German  right  was  the  1st 
Army  commanded  by  General  Steinmetz,  consisting  of 
the  7th  and  8th  Army  Corps.  The  2nd  Army,  com- 
manded by  Prince  Frederick  Charles,  occupied  the 
German  centre  and  left,  confronting  the  French  centre 
and  right.  The  12th  (Saxon)  Army  Corps  was  detailed 
to  make  a  wide  turning  movement  and  strike  in 
flank  the  French  extreme  right  at  St.  Privat,  at  the 
same  time  that  the  Guard  Corps  should  attack  the 
hostile  position  in  front.  The  operation  was  ultimately 
successful,  but  with  appalling  bloodshed.  As  nightfall 
approached  the  whole  French  front  was  driven  back 
with  the  exception  of  the  extreme  left,  which  maintained 
its  position  until  early  on  the  following  morning. 
During  the  night  between  the  iSth  and   19th   the  whole 


296  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

French  army  was  withdrawn  to  the  vicinity  of  Metz, 
where  it  was  concentrated  under  the  protection  of  Forts 
Oueuleu  and  Plappeville.  The  German  losses  on  the 
1 8th  reached  a  total  of  over  20,000;  the  French  losses 
were  about  12,000. 

The  French  Army  of  the  Rhine  was  invested  in 
and  about  Metz  from  the  19th  and  all  direct  communica- 
tion between  that  fortress  and  the  outside  world  was 
cut  off:  but  Bazaine's  latest  despatches  represented  his 
military  position  in  the  most  favourable  light.  He 
expressed  the  hope,  after  having  devoted  a  few  days  to 
the  re-equipment  of  his  army,  of  being  able  to  reach 
Chalons  by  St.  Menehould.  Should  this  route  be  found 
blocked,  he  announced  his  intention  of  marching  by 
Sedan  and  Mezieres.  By  the  Regency  in  Paris  it  was 
insisted  on  that  MacMahon  should  make  an  offensive 
advance  in  the  direction  of  Verdun,  with  the  object  of 
co-operating  with  Bazaine  and  effecting  a  junction 
with  him.  The  army  of  Chalons  numbered  about 
140,000  men,  but  its  condition  was  far  from  satisfactory. 
MacMahon  could  not  dare  to  adventure  a  pitched  battle 
in  the  Chalons  position  with  troops  most  of  which  had 
suffered  in  their  morale.  On  the  other  hand,  he  hesitated 
to  carry  out  his  plan  of  retreating  on  Paris.  As  a  com- 
promise he  determined  to  march  to  Rheims,  there  to 
await  events.  On  the  morning  of  the  21st  the  march 
on  Rheims  began.  After  much  hesitation  MacMahon 
determined  on  sacrificing  his  military  convictions  in 
favour  of  a  movement  having  for  its  object  the  relief 
of  the  Army  of  the  Rhine.  There  came  to  him  on 
the  22nd  a  telegram  from  the  Minister  of  War  to 
the     Emperor,     which    must    have    greatly    influenced 


FROM  SAARBRUCKEN  TO  SEDAN  297 

MacMahon's  decision.  Palikao  wrote:  '  If  you  do  not 
march  to  Bazaine's  assistance,  the  worst  is  to  be  feared 
here  in  Paris.  It  would  be  at  once  concluded  in  case  of 
such  a  misfortune,  that  the  capital  could  not  defend 
itself.'  MacMahon  telegraphed  that  he  would  commence 
his  march  towards  Metz  on  the  23rd.  In  diverging  to 
Rheims  he  had  lost  two  precious  clays  ;  but  at  length  on 
the  23rd  the  army  of  Chalons  marched  from  Rheims  to 
the  Suippe.  The  shortcoming  of  supplies  for  his  army 
compelled  the  Marshal  to  move  further  to  the  northward 
in  order  to  avail  himself  of  the  resources  of  the  railway, 
with  the  result  of  the  loss  of  another  day.  The  position 
on  the  25th  was  from  Rethel  on  the  left  to  Vouziers  on 
the  right.  Defection  and  insubordination  were  seriously 
manifested,  especially  after  the  distribution  of  rations 
had  become  so  irregular  and  scanty  that  the  soldiers 
resorted  to  requisitions  on  their  own  account.  Bands 
of  stragglers  followed  the  army  and  wandered  over  the 
country,  a  terror  to  the  peaceable  inhabitants  and  a 
dangerous  symptom  of  growing  indiscipline.  Great  mobs 
of  soldiers  pillaged  a  railway  train  in  the  Rheims  station 
and  did  not  spare  even  the  Emperor's  private  property. 

After  the  battle  of  the  iSth  the  3rd  and  4th  German 
armies  advanced  on  the  2 1st  towards  the  Meuse,  marching 
on  a  broad  front.  The  Prussian  King's  headquarters 
were  on  the  25th  at  Bar  le  Due,  whither  came  a  telegram 
from  London  conveying  the  intelligence  that  MacMahon 
was  assuredly  moving  to  the  relief  of  Bazaine  by  a  wide 
turning  movement  to  the  north,  beyond  the  right  flank 
of  the  German  armies.  The  tidings  were  confirmed  ;  the 
next  day  those  armies,  with  extraordinary  alacrity  and 
deftness  changed  front  to  the  right  and  moved  northward 


298  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

with  strenuous  swiftness   to   thwart   MacMahon's  enter- 
prise. 

On    the    27th    the    Marshal's    headquarters  were  at 
La  Chesne.     The  German  cavalry  were  pressing  on  his 
flank    all    along  the    space  between  the  Aisne  and  the 
Meuse — too    well    he    knew    that    the  German  infantry- 
were  swiftly  following  the  German  horse.     He  had  the 
clear  consciousness  that  he  was  marching  towards   '  that 
disaster  which  he  wished  to  avoid.'      He  therefore  took 
the  wise  resolution  to  abandon  an  impossible  undertaking 
and  to  retreat  on  Mezieres  ;  and  he  promptly  telegraphed 
to  Paris  his  determination,  giving  his  sound  and  cogent 
reasons.     The  Ministry  were  obstinate  in  their  ignorant 
and  headstrong  folly.     To  the  Emperor  came   the  blunt 
message  :  '  If  you  leave  Bazaine  in  the  lurch  there  will 
be  a   revolution   in  Paris,  and  you  and  the  army  will  be 
attacked  by  the  united  force  of  the  enemy.'    The  message 
to  the  Marshal  came  in  the  shape  of  a  peremptory  order 
from  Palikao  :  '  I  require  you  to  march   to  the  relief  of 
Marshal  Bazaine  by  utilising  the  thirty  hours'  start  you 
have  over  the  Crown  Prince  of  Prussia ;  the   dynasty  is 
lost  and  all  of  us  with  it,  unless  you  obey  the  demands 
of  the  inhabitants  of   Paris.'     The    Emperor  besought 
the  Marshal  not  to  march  on  sure  ruin,  pointing  out  that 
since  the  despatches   of  a  Minister  were  not  orders  he 
was  free  to  act  on  his  own  judgment.      But  MacMahon 
was    what    is    known    as  a  '  duty  soldier,'    and  he  held 
himself  bound  to   obey  the   requisition    laid    upon  him. 
The  rearward  march,  already  in  progress,  was  counter- 
manded ;    the   troops  had    to  retrace    their   steps  along 
roads  sodden  with  deluges  of  rain  ;  and  weary,  foodless, 
and  disheartened  they  did  not  reach  their  destination  until 


FROM  SAARBRUCKEN  TO  SEDAN  299 

late  on  the   28th — some,  indeed,  not  until  the  following 


morning. 


All  MacMahon's  energies  were  now  concentrated  on 
reaching  the  right  bank  of  the  Meuse  by  the  bridges 
of  Mouzon,  Villers,  and  Remilly,  and  this  he  actually 
accomplished  by  the  evening  of  the  30th.  His  personal 
exertions  fought  hard  with  the  inertia  into  which  his  army 
had  fallen.  He  failed,  however,  to  conquer  Failly's 
lassitude ;  that  feat  remained  for  the  Germans.  At 
noon  of  the  30th  Failly's  corps  was  taking  things  easy 
in  a  valley  near  Beaumont,  wThen  a  Prussian  division 
'  announced  its  proximity  by  its  cannon-fire.'  The 
French  sprang  to  arms  and  fought  with  great  impetu- 
osity. In  all  the  fierce  war  there  were  few  struggles 
more  fierce  than  this  '  Battle  of  Beaumont.'  Over- 
powered by  numbers  de  Failly's  corps,  contesting  every 
step,  was  at  length  compelled,  shattered  and  dispersed, 
to  fly  in  rout  across  the  Mouzon  bridge,  its  flight 
covered  by  the  heroic  devotion  of  a  regiment  of  Beville's 
cuirassiers.  The  French  loss  in  the  battle  of  Beaumont 
was  1,800  killed  and  wounded  besides  3,000  prisoners  ; 
the  Germans  had  won  their  victory  at  the  cost  of  3,500 
killed  and  wounded. 

On  the  late  afternoon  of  the  30th  the  Emperor  and 
the  Marshal  were  on  the  heights  of  Mouzon  with  the 
1 2th  Corps.  News  came  that  the  5th  Corps  was  retiring 
on  Mouzon.  The  Marshal  then  said  to  the  Emperor 
that  all  the  army  would  soon  have  crossed  to  the  right 
bank  of  the  Meuse.  He  himself  would  not  leave 
Mouzon  until  the  operation  was  completed,  but  he  sug- 
gested to  the  Emperor  that  since  all  wras  going  wrell  he 
should  repair  to  Carignan,    where   the   1st   Corps  must 


300  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

have  already  arrived,  and  where  the  headquarters  would 
be  established.  So  little  idea  had  the  Emperor  of  the 
dangerous  plight  of  the  army  or  of  the  magnitude  of  the 
defeat  of  Beaumont,  that  he  sent  to  the  Empress  the 
following  telegram,  the  last  he  despatched :  '  An  en- 
gagement took  place  to-day,  but  not  of  any  great 
moment'  Scarcely  an  hour  later  General  Ducrot 
brought  him  very  alarming  tidings.  The  5th  Corps  had 
been  driven  back  in  disorder  and  the  enemy  in  great 
force  were  close  at  hand.  At  Ducrot's  pressing  solicita- 
tion the  Emperor  consented  to  go  to  Sedan  by  railway, 
and  he  and  his  staff  arrived  at  the  station  of  that  town 
at  about  midnight.  The  Sedan  station  was  half  a  mile 
from  the  town  and  the  Emperor  had  to  tramp  through 
the  mud  to  the  Torcy  Gate,  where  he  was  delayed 
some  time  by  civilian  sentries  before  he  was  allowed  to 
enter  the  town.  Finally,  long  after  midnight,  he  found 
his  way  to  the  sub-prefecture,  weary,  ill,  and  depressed. 
MacMahon  urged  Napoleon  to  re-embark  in  the  train 
and  proceed  to  Mezieres  ;  the  latter,  however,  refused  to 
quit  Sedan.  The  same  night  General  Vinoy  with  the 
advance  of  his  corps  reached  Mezieres.  His  movement 
was  delayed  for  some  hours,  because  a  train  destined  for 
Avesnes  carrying  the  Prince  Imperial,  '  his  baggage,  his 
escort  and  his  suite,'  blocked  the  way  of  Vinoy  and  his 
division  to  Mezieres. 

MacMahon  had  been  present  throughout  the  fighting 
of  the  30th,  always  in  the  front,  as  his  manner  was. 
The  defeat  of  the  day  and  the  attitude  of  the  enemy 
made  it  necessary  to  abandon  finally  a  movement  in  the 
direction  of  Metz.  He  might  accept  a  battle  in  the 
strong  position  of  Mouzon  ;  yes,  but  he  recognised   that 


FROM  SAARBRUCKEN  TO  SEDAN  301 

if  he  fought  and  was  beaten  the  only  resource  was  a 
retreat  across  the  Belgian  frontier  and  resultant  disarma- 
ment. He  remained  long  in  doubt.  '  I  do  not  know 
what  I  shall  do,'  he  said  after  sundown  to  Ducrot's  aide- 
de-camp  ;  'in  any  case  the  Emperor  should  be  sent  at 
once  to  Sedan.'  Sitting  later  by  a  bivouac  fire,  he 
called  to  him  General  Lebrun  commanding  the  12th 
Corps  and  bade  him  retreat  with  his  command  on  Sedan. 
'  We  have  had  a  bad  time,'  said  the  Marshal,  '  but  the 
situation  is  not  hopeless.  The  German  army  before  us 
cannot  exceed  70,000  or  80,000  men.  If  they  attack  us, 
so  much  the  better ;  no  doubt  we  shall  be  able  to  throw 
them  into  the  Meuse.'  Then  the  anxious  sleepless  man 
rode  away,  issuing  to  his  forces  as  he  passed  the  order 
to  concentrate  on  Sedan.  To  Palikao  he  sent  the 
laconic  telegram,  '  Marshal  MacMahon  informs  the 
Minister  that  he  is  compelled  to  retreat  on  Sedan.'  No 
further  word — the  Marshal's  temper  had  reached  the  end 
of  its  tether. 

By  the  morning  of  the  31st  three  of  MacMahon's 
corps  had  reached  the  vicinity  of  Sedan  after  a  straggling 
and  chaotic  night  march  ;  the  1st  Corps  did  not  arrive 
until  the  afternoon,  having  been  charged  with  the  duty 
of  covering  the  retreat.  MacMahon,  had  he  but  realised 
the  situation,  had  brought  his  army  into  a  veritable  trap, 
the  only  hope  of  extrication  from  which  was  by  a  march 
towards  Mezieres  in  the  early  morning  of  the  31st  along 
the  narrow  wooded  space  between  the  Belgian  frontier 
and  the  head  of  the  great  bend  of  the  Meuse  below 
Sedan.  But  throughout  the  31st  the  unfortunate  com- 
mander still  pondered  and  hesitated.  About  midday  he 
expressed  his  resolve  to  march  on  Mezieres,  and  stated 


^02  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


o 


his  belief  that  he  could  crush  any  opposition  in  that 
direction  ;  yet  at  four  p.m.  he  informed  Ducrot  that  he 
had  '  no  intention  '  of  going  to  Mezieres  at  all.  To  Felix 
Douay  commanding  the  7th  Corps,  who  evinced  anxiety 
about  the  key-point  of  the  defensive  position,  MacMahon 
expressed  himself :  '  But  I  do  not  wish  to  shut  myself 
up  in  lines  ;  I  desire  to  be  free  to  manoeuvre.'  '  M.  le 
Marechal,'  was  Douay's  grim  answer,  '  to-morrow  the 
enemy  will  not  leave  you  time  to  manoeuvre.'  Mac- 
Mahon spent  hours  watching  gloomily  from  the  citadel 
the  ominous  concentric  advance  of  the  enemy.  Every- 
thing seemed  to  go  against  him.  In  the  Sedan  railway 
station  there  was  a  provision  train  containing  800,000 
rations  ;  some  hostile  shells  fell  close  by  and  the  station- 
master  in  a  flurry  despatched  the  train  to  Mezieres.  It 
carried  a  company  of  engineers  to  blow  up  the  bridge  at 
Vilette  ;  the  engineers  were  duly  dropped,  but  the  train 
carried  away  with  it  the  explosives  and  implements. 

The  situation  was  curiously  bewildering.  Mac- 
Mahon's  army  took  up  positions  as  for  a  defensive 
battle,  the  1st  and  12th  Corps  on  the  heights  behind  the 
Givonne  valley  and  facing  eastward,  the  7th  Corps 
fronting  to  the  north-west  from  Illy  to  Floing,  the 
cavalry  and  the  shattered  5th  Corps  in  reserve  in  the 
'  old  camp.'  But  no  orders  for  the  morrow  were  issued, 
and  the  night  passed  without  any  expression  of  a  decision 
on  the  part  of  the  Commander-in-Chief.  '  The  truth  is,' 
said  MacMahon  before  the  Parliamentary  Commission  of 
1872,  'that  I  did  not  think  of  fighting  a  battle  on  the 
ground  we  occupied  .  .  .  and  I  did  not  yet  know  on 
which  side  I  ought  to  effect  my  retreat.'  While  he  yet 
vacillated  the  enemy  forced  his  hand. 


huRumiLR 


tTiaumont 


CooU 

Vilrv 
leyrancaj^ 


Li^Jf^nBarrois 


4^.    i     ^m^_Jl 


^Vli^ 


SEDAN    AND    ITS   NEIGHBOURHOOD 


FROM    SAARBRUCKEN    TO    SEDAN     10 


J^O 


It  has  been  said  that  when  the  Emperor  reached 
Sedan  at  midnight  of  the  30th,  it  was  suggested  to  him 
that  he  should  forthwith  continue  his  journey  by  rail  to 
Mezieres,  where  he  would  find  the  13th  Corps  with 
which  he  might  return  to  Paris.  But  Napoleon  refused 
this  proposal,  since  his  departure  on  the  eve  of  a  great 
battle  might  tend  to  dispirit  the  troops.  He  declared 
himself  firmly  resolved  to  share  the  dangers  and  destiny 
of  the  army,  whatever  they  might  be.  On  the  31st  he 
issued  the  following  proclamation  to  the  army,  which, 
however,  was  but  partially  circulated  : 

'  Soldiers  !  As  the  commencement  of  the  war  was 
not  fortunate,  I  wished  to  hand  over  the  chief  commands 
of  the  armies  to  such  of  the  Marshals  as  public  opinion 
might  designate.  Hitherto  success  has  not  crowned  your 
efforts  ;  nevertheless  I  understand  that  Marshal  Bazaine's 
army  has  re-established  itself  under  the  walls  of  Metz, 
and  that  that  of  Marshal  MacMahon  has  suffered  but  com- 
paratively little  yesterday.  There  is,  therefore,  no  ground 
for  despondency.  We  have  prevented  the  enemy  from 
advancing  on  the  capital  and  the  whole  of  France  is 
rising  in  arms  to  hurl  back  the  invader.  Under  these 
difficult  circumstances,  seeing  that  the  Empress  takes  my 
place  so  worthily  at  Paris,  I  have  preferred  the  position 
of  a  soldier  to  that  of  a  Sovereign.  No  sacrifice  shall 
be  too  great  for  me  in  order  to  save  our  country.  It 
still,  thank  God,  possesses  brave  men  ;  and  if  cowards 
should  be  found  military  law  and  public  opinion  will 
render  justice  on  them. 

'  Soldiers !  prove  yourselves  worthy  of  your  ancient 
renown.  God  will  not  desert  France  if  each  of  us  only 
does  his  duty  ! ' 


^04  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Those  were  the  last  words  addressed  by  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  to  the  French  army ;  their  uncertain,  con- 
tradictory, and  dispirited  tone  was  not  calculated  to 
raise  the  self-confidence  of  the  army,  or  to  inflame  the 
fighting  spirit  of  the  soldiers. 

General  Wimpffen,  who  was  the  senior  General  of 
the  French  army  on  active  service,  had  been  summoned 
from  Algeria  to  Paris  by  the  Minister  of  War  in  order 
to  supersede  de  Failly  in  the  command  of  the  5th  Corps, 
and  he  reached  the  capital  on  Aug.  28.  Wimpffen 
was  a  man  of  great  self-confidence.  Palikao  told  him 
that  '  MacMahon  fell  in  too  easily  with  the  suggestions 
of  the  Emperor  ;  that  his  Majesty  was  in  a  false  position 
and  caused  the  greatest  embarrassment.'  '  Send  me 
to  the  army,'  replied  Wimpffen.  '  I  shall  impart  the 
requisite  boldness  and  decision.'  With  a  letter  in  his 
pocket  authorising  him  to  succeed  MacMahon  should 
any  accident  befall  the  Marshal,  he  reached  Sedan  on 
the  night  of  the  30th,  to  find  the  troops  in  utter  dis- 
organisation. As  evidence  of  the  disorder  he  found  on 
the  march  three  regiments  belonging  to  as  many  corps, 
some  cavalry  and  several  hundred  men  of  the  1st  Corps 
who  were  under  the  command  of  a  non-combatant  officer. 
A  similar  confusion  everywhere  prevailed,  and  hungry 
and  weary  soldiers  fell  asleep  as  they  dropped  on  the 
sodden  ground.  Wimpffen  led  them  during  the  night 
to  Sedan.  Presenting  himself  to  the  Marshal  on  the 
morning  of  the  31st  he  was  received  by  MacMahon  very 
coldly,  and  by  the  Emperor  with  tears  in  his  eyes  and 
in  great  grief  at  the  precarious  position  of  the  army  ; 
but  neither  of  the  two  told  him  how  things  actually  stood 
nor   informed   him  regarding  the  plans  for   the  future. 


FROM  SAARBRUCKEN  TO  SEDAN  305 

The  orders  for  his  assumption  of  command  not  having 
been  issued,  he  informally  intimated  to  General  de  Failly 
that  he  had  come  to  succeed  him  in  the  command  of 
the  5th  Corps,  to  which  he  presented  himself  as  its  new 
Commander  and  bivouacked  for  the  night  on  the  ground 
in  its  midst.  Wimpffen's  later  course  of  action  will 
presently  be  detailed.  In  his  subsequent  report  to  the 
War  Minister  he  wrote  very  tersely  :  '  I  came,  I  saw, 
and  I  was  beaten.' 


x 


3o6  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


CHAPTER   XV 

THE    CATASTROPHE    OF    SEDAN 

Through  the  dense  mist  of  the  early  morning  of 
Sept.  i  the  Bavarians  advanced  to  the  attack  of 
Bazeilles.  The  wakeful  Lebrun  aroused  his  soldiers 
from  their  bivouacs  and  sent  a  message  to  MacMahon 
that  his  troops  were  already  in  action,  a  message  which 
the  Marshal  received  about  five  a.m.  He  mounted  his 
ready-saddled  horse,  rode  out  to  Bazeilles,  saw  that  the 
defence  there  was  being  stoutly  maintained,  and  then 
bent  leftward  on  to  the  high  ground  overlooking  the 
village  of  La  Moncelle.  As  he  sat  on  his  horse  there 
about  half-past  six,  trying  to  penetrate  the  haze  which 
enwrapped  the  valley,  the  fragment  of  a  shell  struck 
him  on  the  thigh.  He  dismounted,  fainted  for  a  few 
moments,  and  then,  rallying  his  strength,  found  the 
wound  severe.  He  nominated  Ducrot  as  his  successor 
in  the  chief  command,  and  was  then  carried  in  an 
ambulance  to  the  sub-prefecture  in  the  town.  On  the 
way  the  Emperor  riding  out  to  the  field  of  battle,  met 
the  wounded  Marshal  and  spoke  to  him  some  words  of 
earnest  sympathy.  Later  in  the  disastrous  day  they  had 
a  long  interview,  the  Emperor  seated  by  the  Marshal's 
pallet.  After  the  capitulation  of  the  army  of  Chalons 
King     William    gave    permission    that    the     wounded 


THE    CATASTROPHE    OF    SEDAN      307 

Marshal  should  be  removed  from  the  noise  and  squalor 
of  Sedan  to  the  Chateau  of  Pouru-aux-Bois  in  the 
Ardennes  to  the  eastward  of  the  town.  On  his 
recovery  MacMahon  shared  the  captivity  of  his  army  in 
Germany  and  returned  to  Paris  in  time  to  conduct  the 
extermination  of  the  Commune. 

About  eight  o'clock,  in  virtue  of  the  Marshal's  nomi- 
nation Ducrot  was  exercising  command  and  ordering  a 
retreat  on  Mdzieres,  which,  if  it  had  been  promptly  and 
resolutely  carried  out,  might  have  temporarily  saved  at 
least  a  portion  of  the  French  army.  The  Emperor,  who 
had  ridden  from  near  Bazeilles  to  the  height  of  La 
Moncelle  and  had  inspected  the  positions  there  under 
a  very  heavy  fire,  returned  from  thence  to  Balan.  Here 
he  remarked  with  great  surprise  the  sudden  retrograde 
movement  of  the  troops  which  he  had  seen  shortly  before 
perfectly  steady  and  occupying  strong  positions.  He 
sent  a  message  to  Ducrot  desiring  to  know  what  was 
meant  by  this  retirement,  adding  that  he  had  no  intention 
of  interfering  with  the  General's  dispositions  in  the  chief 
command.  Ducrot  sent  the  reply  :  '  The  enemy  is  only 
amusing  us  at  Bazeilles  ;  the  real  battle  will  be  fought 
about  Illy.  I  am  therefore  withdrawing  the  troops  in 
good  order,  with  the  object  of  concentrating  the  army  for 
the  march  towards  M^zieres.'  The  Emperor,  whether 
satisfied  or  not  with  this  explanation,  remained  faithful 
to  his  principle  of  non-interference,  and  allowed  General 
Ducrot  to  carry  out  his  own  project.  But  presently 
General  Wimpffen  produced  his  commission  from 
Palikao ;  and  Ducrot,  although  for  the  moment  in- 
dignant at  his  sudden  supersession,    was  probably    not 

very  sorry  to  be  relieved  from  a  situation  so  complicated. 

x  2 


308  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Wimpffen  countermanded  the  movement  in  the  Mezieres 
direction  in  favour  of  a  hopeless  attempt  to  break  out  to 
the  eastward  towards  Carignan.  Ducrot  accepted  the 
commands  of  the  new  Commander-in-Chief,  and  in 
accordance  with  the  orders  of  the  latter  the  12  th  and  1st 
Corps  reoccupied  their  original  positions  on  the  eastward 
front  between  nine  and  ten  a.m.  Shortly  afterwards 
Wimpffen  casually  met  the  Emperor  at  Balan.  His 
Majesty  was  by  no  means  pleased  at  the  sudden  unex- 
pected change  in  the  Command-in-Chief,  of  which  he 
had  previously  no  intimation.  He  attempted  to  move 
Wimpffen  from  his  purpose,  but  in  vain.  '  Your 
Majesty  may  be  quite  at  ease,'  said  Wimpffen  ;  'within 
two  hours  I  shall  have  driven  your  enemies  into  the 
Meuse.' 

While  the  new  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  French 
Army  was  thus  abandoning  himself  to  illusions,  the 
German  troops  were  soon  to  surround  the  hapless  bodies 
which  were  becoming  more  and  more  disorganised  as  the 
minutes  passed.  The  Emperor  had  been  under  heavy 
fire  soon  after  quitting  the  fortress  in  the  early  morning, 
but  the  heaviest  fire  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Balan.  He 
left  his  escort  and  most  of  his  aides-de-camp  with  a  bat- 
talion of  chasseurs  screened  by  a  wall,  and  went  forward 
followed  by  four  of  his  officers.  Two  of  those,  General 
de  Courson  and  Captain  de  Trecesson,  fell  wounded 
close  beside  their  master ;  a  third  officer,  Captain  Hen- 
decourt,  was  killed  while  carrying  a  message  from  the 
Emperor  to  General  Ducrot.  At  ten  o'clock  the 
Emperor  dismounted,  and  slowly,  silently,  and  unmoved, 
walked  to  and  fro  under  a  hail  of  fire.  Shells  burst  close 
to  him  and  covered  him  with  dirt  and  smoke.      But  he 


THE    CATASTROPHE    OF    SEDAN      309 

remained  unhurt,  and  after  having  maintained  his  situation 
for  several  hours  near  the  south-eastern  angle  of  the  defen- 
sive position,  he  rode  towards  the  heights  of  Givonne. 
Arrived  near  the  old  entrenched  camp  he  found  it  impos- 
sible to  advance  farther,  because  of  the  roads  crowded 
with  wounded  and  fugitives.  Despairing  of  the  pos- 
sibility of  gaining  the  heights  of  Illy,  he  decided  to  enter 
the  town  in  order  to  confer  with  the  wounded  Marshal. 
On  his  way  to  Sedan  the  Emperor  was  compelled  to 
force  his  way  through  bodies  of  fugitive  troops  who  were 
thronging  towards  the  fortress  in  straggling  crowds. 
Shells  were  falling  thus  early  in  the  streets  of  the  town  ; 
just  as  the  Emperor  entered  Sedan  a  shell  exploded 
within  a  few  yards  of  him,  killing  two  horses.  By  this 
time  he  was  much  exhausted,  and  he  was  racked  with  the 
pain  of  the  ailment  which  constantly  tortured  him.  He 
reached  the  sub-prefecture,  had  a  conversation  with  the 
Marshal,  and  would  have  remounted  and  ridden  out 
again  ;  but  found  the  block  in  the  streets  so  dense  that 
he  had  to  relinquish  his  purpose  and  remain  in  the  sub- 
prefecture. 

When  the  Emperor  returned  into  Sedan  is  not  to  be 
precisely  ascertained  ;  nor,  except  inferentially,  at  what 
hour  he  first  directed  the  white  flag  to  be  hoisted.  No 
person  avowed  himself  executant  of  that  order,  but 
the  flag  did  not  long  fly ;  it  was  indignantly  cut 
down,  according  to  common  belief  by  General  Faure, 
MacMahon's  Chief-of-Staff,  who  did  not  give  himself 
the  trouble  to  communicate  with  Napoleon  either  before 
or  after  taking  this  considerable  liberty.  Soon  after  two 
o'clock  Wimpffen  communicated  to  the  Emperor  his 
determination  to  force  his  way  out,  and  appealed  to  his 


310  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Majesty  in  writing  to  '  place  himself  in  the  midst  of  his 
troops,  who  could  be  relied  on  to  force  a  passage  through 
the  German  lines.'  Wimpffen  waited  an  hour  in  vain 
for  an  answer ;  then,  with  the  utmost  difficulty  he  got 
together  some  5,000  men  whom  in  the  first  instance  he 
led  towards  the  heights  of  Givonne  ;  but  his  attack  was 
beaten  off  after  half  an  hour's  sharp  fighting,  and  the  last 
resistance  of  the  French  on  this  part  of  the  field  of  battle 
was  thus  completely  broken. 

How  anxious  was  the  Emperor  that  a  capitulation 
should  be  speedily  effected  ;  how  obstinate  was  Wimpffen 
that  there  should  be  no  capitulation,  but  resistance  to  the 
bitter  end,  is  shown  in  the  testimony  of  Lebrun  and 
Ducrot.  '  Why  does  this  useless  struggle  still  go  on  ?  ' 
demanded  Napoleon  of  Lebrun,  who  a  little  before 
three  p.m.  entered  his  apartment  in  the  sub-prefecture; 
'  an  hour  and  more  ago  I  bade  the  white  flag  to  be  dis- 
played as  a  request  for  an  armistice.'  Lebrun  explained 
that  to  sue  for  an  armistice  a  letter  had  to  be  signed  by 
the  Commander-in-Chief  and  despatched  by  an  officer 
with  a  trumpeter  and  a  flag  of  truce.  Having  duly 
procured  the  proper  accessories  Lebrun  went  forth  to 
where  Wimpffen  was  gathering  troops  for  an  attack 
on  the  Germans  in  Balan.  As  Lebrun  approached, 
the  angry  Wimpffen  shouted  :  '  No  capitulation  !  Drop 
that  rag  !  I  mean  to  fight  on  ! '  and  forthwith  he  set 
out  towards  Balan  carrying  Lebrun  with  him  into  the 
fight. 

Ducrot  had  been  fighting  hard  about  Illy  and  the 
upper  part  of  the  Bois  de  Garennes  ;  but  recognising 
that  his  efforts  afforded  no  hope  of  success,  he  determined 
to  pass  through  Sedan  and  join  in  an  attempt  to  cut   a 


THE    CATASTROPHE    OF    SEDAN      311 

way  with  Wimpffen  towards  Carignan  and  Montmedy. 
He  had  not  even  a  corporal's  escort,  but  he  sent  word  to 
Wimpffen  by  the  latter's  orderly  that  he  would  enter 
Sedan  and  attempt  to  collect  some  troops  in  support  of 
Wimpffen's  efforts.  What  Ducrot  saw  in  Sedan  may  be 
told  nearly  in  his  own  words.  The  state  of  the  interior 
of  Sedan  he  characterised  as  indescribable.  The  streets, 
the  open  places,  the  gates,  were  blocked  up  by  waggons, 
guns,  and  the  impedimenta  and  debris  of  a  routed  army. 
Bands  of  soldiers  without  arms,  without  packs,  were 
rushing  about,  throwing  themselves  into  the  churches,  or 
breaking  into  private  houses.  Many  unfortunates  were 
trampled  under  foot.  The  few  soldiers  still  preserving 
a  remnant  of  energy  were  spending  it  in  abuse  and 
curses.  '  We  have  been  betrayed  ! '  they  cried.  '  We  have 
been  sold  by  traitors  and  cowards ! '  There  was  really 
nothing  to  be  done  with  such  men,  and  Ducrot  repaired 
to  the  Emperor  in  the  sub-prefecture.  Ducrot  writes  as 
follows  : 

'  Napoleon  no  longer  preserved  that  cold  and  impene- 
trable countenance  so  familiar  to  the  world.  The  silence 
which  reigned  in  the  presence  of  the  Sovereign  rendered 
the  noise  more  startling.  The  air  was  on  fire.  Shells 
fell  on  roofs  and  struck  masses  of  masonry  which  crashed 
down  upon  the  pavements.  "  I  do  not  understand,"  said 
the  bewildered  Emperor,  "why  the  enemy  continues  his 
fire.  I  have  ordered  the  white  flag  to  be  hoisted.  I 
hope  to  obtain  an  interview  with  the  King  of  Prussia  and 
may  succeed  in  obtaining  advantageous  terms  for  the 
army."  While  the  Emperor  and  General  Ducrot  were 
conversing  the  cannonade  increased  in  violence  from 
minute  to  minute.      Women  were  wounded  and  children 


Ti2  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


o 


were  destroyed.  The  sub-prefecture  was  struck  ;  shells 
exploded  every  minute  in  garden  and  courtyard.  '  It  is 
absolutely  necessary  to  stop  the  firing  ! '  exclaimed  the 
Emperor.  '  Here,  write  this  ! '  he  commanded  General 
Ducrot :  "The  flag  of  truce  having  been  displayed, 
negotiations  are  about  to  be  opened  with  the  enemy. 
Firing  must  cease  all  along  the  line."  Then  said  the 
Emperor,  '  Now  sign  it ! '  '  Oh  no,  Sire,'  replied 
General  Ducrot,  '  I  cannot  sign  ;  General  Wimpffen  is 
General-in-Chief.'  '  Yes,'  replied  the  Emperor,  '  but 
I  don't  know  where  General  Wimpffen  is  to  be  found. 
Some  one  must  sign.'  '  Let  his  Chief-of-Staff  sign,' 
suggested  General  Ducrot,  '  or  General  Douay.' 
'  Yes,'  replied  the  Emperor,  '  let  the  Chief-of-Staff  sign 
the  order  ! ' 

The  subsequent  history  of  this  order  cannot  be 
traced,  nor,  indeed,  whether  it  ever  got  signed  at  all. 
Wimpffen  had  ridden  back  from  the  front  on  the  double 
errand  of  procuring  reinforcements  and  of  trying  to 
prevail  on  the  Emperor  to  join  him  in  his  forlorn-hope 
attempt  to  break  out.  '  About  four  o'clock,'  wrote 
Wimpffen,  '  I  reached  the  gate  of  Sedan.  There  at 
last  came  to  me  M.  Pierron  of  the  Imperial  Staff,  who 
handed  me  a  letter  from  his  Majesty,  telling  me  also 
that  the  white  flag  was  flying  from  the  citadel  of  Sedan 
and  that  I  was  charged  with  the  task  of  negotiating  with 
the  enemy.  .  .  .  Not  recognising  the  Emperor's 
right  to  order  the  hoisting  of  the  flag,  I  replied,  "  I  will 
not  take  cognisance  of  this  letter  ;  I  refuse  to  negotiate  !  " 
.  .  .  Having  gathered  in  the  town  about  2,000  men,  at 
the  head  of  this  gallant  handful  I  succeeded  about  five 
o'clock  in  penetrating  as  far  as  the  church  of  Balan  ;  but 


THE    CATASTROPHE    OF    SEDAN      313 

the  reinforcements  I  hoped  for  did  not  arrive  and  I  then 
gave  the  order  to  retire  on  Sedan.' 

On  his  return  to  the  fortress  WimpfTen  forwarded  his 
resignation  to  the  Emperor,  who  then  attempted  in  vain 
to  persuade  first  Ducrot  and  then  Douay  to  assume  the 
command.  WimpfTen  was  finally  sent  for  ;  and,  in  the 
presence  of  the  Emperor,  a  violent  altercation  occurred 
between  him  and  Ducrot,  in  the  course  of  which  blows 
were  actually  exchanged.  Ducrot,  who  was  the  more 
excited,  withdrew  ;  and  in  the  words  of  the  Emperor, 
'  General  WimpfTen,  after  having  twice  obstinately 
refused  to  obey  the  Emperor's  command  to  treat  with 
the  enemy,  was  brought  to  understand  that  having 
commanded  during  the  battle,  his  duty  obliged  him  not 
to  desert  his  post  in  circumstances  so  critical.'  WimpfTen 
would  have  been  quite  justified  in  persisting  in  not 
resigning.  The  situation  had  been  a  purely  military 
one  and  he  was  Commander-in-Chief;  yet  the  Emperor, 
who  had  no  military  position  whatsoever,  had  overridden 
Wimpffen's  powers  while  as  yet  that  officer  was  in 
supreme  command. 

From  the  hill-top  of  Marfee  the  Prussian  monarch 
and  his  staff  had  been  watching  the  course  of  the  battle 
ever  since  the  early  morning.  As  the  great  ring  of 
German  soldiers  was  gradually  closing  in  upon  the 
environed  French  army,  a  last  desperate  effort  was  made 
to  arrest  the  progress  of  the  Teuton  adversaries  and  to 
break  their  lines  by  a  great  charge  of  cavalry.  General 
Margueritte  was  ordered  to  advance  with  his  reserve 
cavalry  division  by  echelons  eastward  of  Floing,  crush 
everything  in  his  front,  and  then,  wheeling  to  the  right, 
roll  up   the  enemy's   line.     The    2nd    Reserve   Cavalry 


3H  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

division,  consisting  of  the  four  cuirassier  regiments 
commanded  by  General  Bonnemain,  was  to  follow  up 
Margueritte's  charge  ;  and  several  regiments  of 
divisional  cavalry  commanded  by  General  Salignac 
F^enelon  were  also  brought  forward  to  take  part  in  this 
great  cavalry  attack. 

Margueritte  having  ridden  forward  to  reconnoitre  the 
ground  in  his  front  was  severely  wounded  and  was 
carried  to  the  rear.  Colonel  Beaufremont  was  then  the 
senior  officer,  and  therefore  assumed  the  command 
which  Margueritte  had  perforce  vacated.  Gallifet's 
claim  to  have  succeeded  Margueritte  in  the  command  is 
wholly  untenable  ;  he  commanded  in  the  charge  merely 
his  own  regiment.  The  whole  of  the  French  cavalry 
with  Salignac  Fenelon's  lancers  in  the  front  swooped 
down  upon  the  enemy  like  a  hurricane  and  broke 
through  the  line  of  Prussian  skirmishers,  but  were 
received  by  the  deployed  battalions  with  a  point-blank 
fire  so  murderous  that  the  French  squadrons  were 
actually  mowed  down.  The  divisions  of  Margueritte 
and  Bonnemain  renewed  their  attacks  thrice  with  the 
greatest  gallantry  and  devotion  ;  but  they  were  met  with 
a  fire  so  withering  that  heaps  of  killed  and  wounded 
men  and  horses  were  actually  piled  up  in  front  of  the 
Prussian  lines. 

As  the  afternoon  drew  on  the  French  defeat  was 
decisively  apparent,  yet,  although  the  fierceness  of  the 
fighting  waned,  the  now  surrounded  army  remained 
heroically  stubborn  in  its  resistance  to  inevitable  fate  ; 
and  so  its  final  death-throe  had  to  be  artistically 
quickened  up.  In  the  stern  language  of  the  German 
*  Official     History '    '  a    powerful    artillery    fire    directed 


THE    CATASTROPHE    OF    SEDAN      315 

against  the  enemy's  last  point  of  refuge  appeared  the 
most  suitable  method  of  convincing  him  of  the  hope- 
lessness of  his  situation  and  of  inducing  him  to  surrender. 
With  intent  to  hasten  the  capitulation  and  thus  spare  the 
German  army  further  sacrifices,  the  King  ordered  the 
whole  available  artillery  to  concentrate  its  fire  on  Sedan.' 
This  command,  so  states  the  '  Staff  History,'  was  issued 
at  four  p.m.,  and  was  promptly  acted  on.  Results  of 
the  reinforced  and  concentrated  shell  fire  were  soon 
manifested.  Sedan  seemed  in  flames.  The  French 
return  fire,  gallantly  maintained  for  a  short  time,  was 
presently  crushed  into  silence.  At  this  moment  the 
white  flag  was  definitely  displayed  on  the  citadel 
flagstaff,  and  the  German  fire  at  once  ceased.  As  the 
bruit  of  impending  negotiations  spread,  hostilities  ceased 
everywhere  save  about  Balan,  where  the  contumacious 
Wimpffen  was  still  battling  to  no  purpose.  The  white 
flag  being  visible,  the  King  directed  two  officers  of  his 
Staff,  Colonel  Bronsart  von  Schellendorf  and  Captain 
von  Winterfeld,  to  proceed  to  Sedan, under  a  flag  of 
truce  and  summon  the  French  Commander-in-Chief  to 
surrender  his  army  and  the  fortress.  The  Prussian 
officers  penetrated  into  the  city  and  duly  announced  the 
character  of  their  mission  ;  but  to  Bronsart' s  surprise  he 
was  ushered  into  the  presence  of  the  Emperor  Napoleon, 
of  whose  presence  in  Sedan  the  German  headquarters 
had  not  been  aware.  In  reply  to  Bronsart's  application 
for  a  French  officer  of  rank  to  be  appointed  to  negotiate, 
the  Emperor  simply  informed  him  that  the  Commander- 
in-Chief  of  the  French  Army  was  General  Wimpffen. 
This  answer  his  Majesty  desired  Bronsart  to  take  back 
to  the  King  ;  and  to  intimate  that  he  would  soon  send 


^i6  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


o 


out  his  aide-de-camp,  General  Count  Reille,  with  a  letter 
from  himself  to  the  Prussian  monarch. 

Bronsart  came  back  trotting  hard  up  the  hill  to  the 
Prussian  headquarters.  As  he  approached  he  spurred 
his  horse  into  a  gallop,  and  pointing  backwards  towards 
Sedan  exclaimed  in  a  loud  voice  :  '  Dcr  Kaiser  ist  da  '  ; 
at  which  there  was  a  loud  outburst  of  cheering.  It  was 
about  half  an  hour  later,  the  time  a  quarter  to  seven, 
when  the  French  officer,  Count  Reille,  rode  up  the  hill  at 
a  walking  pace,  with  a  trooper  in  advance  carrying  a  flag 
of  truce  and  with  an  escort  of  Prussian  cuirassiers.  He 
dismounted,  approached  the  King,  and  with  a  silent 
reverence  handed  to  his  Majesty  the  Emperor's  letter. 
While  the  King,  Bismarck,  and  Moltke  conversed 
earnestly  apart,  the  Crown  Prince,  with  that  gracious 
tact  which  was  one  of  the  most  charming  traits  of  his 
noble  character,  entered  into  affable  conversation  with 
poor  forlorn  Reille,  standing  out  there  among  the 
stubbles.  Bismarck  gave  instructions  to  Count  Hatzfeldt 
of  the  Foreign  Office  to  draft  the  King's  answer  to  the 
letter  of  the  French  Emperor.  Sitting  on  a  chair,  the 
King  used  as  his  writing-desk  the  seat  of  another  chair 
held  up  by  Major  von  Alten,  while  he  indited  his  reply 
to  Napoleon.  The  following  is  the  Emperor's  letter  to 
the  King  : 

'  Sire,  my  Brother, — Not  having  been  able  to  die 
in  the  midst  of  my  troops,  there  is  nothing  left  me  but 
to  render  my  sword  into  the  hands  of  your  Majesty.  I 
am  your  Majesty's  good  brother, 

'  Napoleon.' 
King  William's  reply  was  as  follows  : 


.A 


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91  • 


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V 


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*-c-l 


^?o— 


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7 


*Z-jh^y 


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l*HE    LETTER    OF   SURREN 


I'M; 


THE    CATASTROPHE    OF    SEDAN      317 

'  My  Brother, — While  regretting  the  circumstances 
in  which  we  meet,  I  accept  your  Majesty's  sword,  and 
request  that  you  will  appoint  one  of  your  officers 
furnished  with  the  necessary  powers  to  treat  for  the 
capitulation  of  the  army  which  has  fought  so  valiantly 
under  your  command.  I,  for  my  part,  have  appointed 
General  von  Moltke  to  this  duty. 

'  Your  loving  brother, 

4  WlLHELM.' 

Reille"  rode  back  into  Sedan  with  the  King's  reply  to 
the  Emperor's  letter,  and  as  he  rode  down  the  Marfee 
hill  the  astounding  purport  of  his  visit  ran  from  lip  to  lip 
through  the  exulting  army,  which  now  hoped  that  after 
this  colossal  success  the  days  of  ceaseless  marching  and 
fighting  would  now  promptly  end.  Soon  after  seven  p.m. 
his  Prussian  Majesty  and  his  suite  started  on  the  journey 
back  to  Vendresse,  where  were  the  Royal  headquarters. 
Bismarck  and  Moltke  rode  into  Donchery  there  to  take 
part  in  the  conference  for  settling  the  terms  of  the 
capitulation,  and  the  Marfee  hill-top  was  deserted. 

After  supping  in  the  Donchery  hotel  on  a  tough 
beefsteak  and  a  bottle  of  Donchery  champagne, 
Bismarck  about  midnight  joined  Moltke,  whom  the  King- 
had  designated  to  treat  for  the  capitulation  of  the  French 
army.  That  was  a  strange  conference  which  was  held  in 
the  still  watches  of  the  night  in  a  salon  of  a  house  on  the 
outskirts  of  the  little  town.  Wimpffen  verified  his  powers, 
and  presented  to  Moltke  the  French  Generals  Faure  and 
Castelnau.  Moltke  introduced  Count  Bismarck  and 
General  Blumenthal  to  the  French  Commander-in-Chief. 
On  one  side  of  the  table  sat  Moltke  in  the  centre  with 


318  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

Bismarck  on  his  left  and  Blumenthal  on  his  right.  On 
the  opposite  side  was  Wimpffen  by  himself;  behind  him, 
somewhat  in  shadow,  stood  Faure,  Castelnau(who  specially 
represented  the  Emperor),  and  a  few  other  French  officers. 
Moltkesat  silent  and  impassive ;  and  after  an  embarrassing 
pause  Wimpffen  asked  what  were  the  conditions  which 
the  Prussian  King  was  prepared  to  accord.  '  They  are 
very  simple,'  replied  Moltke  :  '  the  whole  French  army 
to  surrender  with  arms  and  belongings  ;  the  officers  to 
retain  their  arms  but  to  be  prisoners  of  war  along  with 
their  men.'  Wimpffen  scouted  those  terms,  and  de- 
manded for  his  army  that  it  should  be  permitted  to 
withdraw  with  arms,  equipment,  and  colours,  on  con- 
dition of  not  serving  while  the  war  lasted.  Moltke 
adhered  inexorably  to  the  conditions  which  he  had 
specified,  and  was  adamant  to  the  pleading  of  the 
Frenchman.  Losing  temper  the  latter  exclaimed,  '  I 
cannot  accept  the  terms  you  impose  ;  I  will  appeal  to  the 
honour  and  heroism  of  my  army,  and  will  cut  my  way 
out  or  stand  on  the  defence  at  Sedan.' 

Moltke's  reply  was  crushing.  '  A  sortie  and  the 
defensive,'  he  quietly  remarked,  '  are  equally  impossible. 
The  mass  of  your  infantry  is  demoralised  ;  we  took 
to-day  more  than  twenty  thousand  unwounded  prisoners, 
and  your  whole  force  is  not  now  more  than  eighty 
thousand  strong.  You  cannot  pierce  our  lines,  for  I 
have  surrounding  you  two  hundred  and  forty  thousand 
men  with  five  hundred  guns  in  position  to  fire  on  Sedan  ; 
you  cannot  maintain  your  defensive  there  because  you 
have  not  provisions  for  forty-eight  hours  and  your 
ammunition  is  exhausted.  If  you  desire  I  will  send 
one  of  your  officers  round  our  positions,  who  will  satisfy 


THE    CATASTROPHE    OF    SEDAN      319 

you  as  to  the  accuracy  of  my  statements.'  Wimpffen 
declined  this  offer  ;  and  when  assured  that  there  could 
be  no  mitigation  of  the  terms  he  exclaimed,  '  Then  it  is 
equally  impossible  for  me  to  sign  such  a  stipulation  ;  we 
will  renew  the  battle  ! '  Moltke's  quiet  curt  answer  was  : 
'  The  armistice  expires  at  four  a.m.  At  that  hour,  to  the 
moment,  I  shall  open  fire.' 

There  was  nothing  more  to  be  said.  The  French 
officers  sent  for  their  horses.  Meanwhile  not  a  word 
was  spoken  ;  in  the  words  of  the  reporter,  '  Ce  silence 
e'tait  glacial'  It  was  broken  by  Bismarck,  who  urged 
Wimpffen  not  to  break  off  the  conference  in  a  moment  of 
pique.  The  French  General  represented  that  he  alone 
could  not  incur  the  responsibility  of  a  decision  ;  that  it 
was  necessary  that  he  should  consult  his  colleagues  ;  that 
the  final  answer  could  not  be  made  by  four  a.m.  ;  and 
that  a  prolongation  of  the  armistice  was  indispensable. 
After  a  short  colloquy  in  low  tones  between  Bismarck 
and  Moltke,  the  latter  gave  his  consent  that  the  truce 
should  be  extended  to  nine  a.m.  ;  whereupon  Wimpffen 
quitted  Donchery  and  rode  back  to  Sedan.  He  went 
straight  to  the  bedside  of  the  Emperor,  who,  having 
been  informed  of  the  German  conditions,  said,  '  I  shall 
start  at  five  o'clock  for  the  King's  headquarters  and 
entreat  him  to  grant  more  favourable  conditions.' 

Napoleon  acted  on  his  resolution.  Expecting  that 
he  would  be  allowed  to  return  to  Sedan,  he  bade  no  fare- 
wells. As  rve  passed  through  the  Torcy  gate  before  six 
o'clock  the  Zouaves  on  duty  there  cried  '  Vive 
I Empereur  ! '  '  the  last  adieu  which  fell  upon  his  ears 
from  the  voices  of  French  soldiers.'  The  open  carriage 
in  which,  with  two  officers  with  him   and  three  more  on 


32o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

horseback  behind  him,  the  Emperor  sat  in  the  undress 
uniform  of  a  general  officer  and  smoking  a  cigarette, 
travelled  towards  Donchery  at  a  leisurely  pace.  At 
a  hamlet  about  a  mile  from  Donchery  there  was  a 
halt  of  considerable  length  while  General  Reille  went 
on  to  Donchery,  to  intimate  to  Bismarck  that  the 
Emperor  had  left  Sedan  and  was  desirous  of  meeting 
him.  Reille  had  scarcely  turned  his  horse  away  from 
Bismarck's  quarters  in  the  little  square  of  Donchery, 
when  the  Chancellor,  in  cap  and  undress  uniform,  his 
long  cuirassier  boots  stained  and  dusty,  came  out,  swung 
himself  on  to  his  big  bay  horse,  and  rode  away  on  Reille's 
track.  He  crossed  the  bridge  at  a  walk  and  kept  that 
pace  for  a  little  distance  on  the  road  to  Sedan,  but 
presently  broke  into  a  sharp  canter.  About  a  mile  short 
of  Sedan,  near  the  village  of  Frenois,  he  met  an  open 
carriage  on  the  right  hand  of  the  principal  seat  of  which 
there  leant  back  a  man  of  impassive  features.  Bismarck 
dismounted,  letting  his  horse  go,  and  drawing  near  on 
foot  uncovered  his  head  and  bowed  low.  The  man  to 
whom  he  spoke — the  man  with  the  leaden-coloured  face, 
the  gaunt-eyed  man  with  the  dishevelled  moustache  and 
the  weary  stoop  of  the  shoulders,  was  none  other  than 
Napoleon  the  Third  and  last. 

The  Emperor  wore  a  dark-blue  cloak  with  scarlet 
lining  thrown  back  and  disclosing  the  decorations  on  the 
breast  of  his  coat.  The  cortege  moved  on  a  few 
hundred  yards  in  the  direction  of  Donchery,  when  the 
Emperor,  who  seemed  to  be  suffering,  desired  of 
Bismarck  that  he  should  be  allowed  to  remain  in  the 
adjacent  wayside  cottage  until  he  should  have  an  inter- 
view  with  the   King.     A   few  minutes  after  seven  the 


THE    CATASTROPHE    OF    SEDAN      321 

Emperor  and  Bismarck  ascended  to  the  upper  floor  of 
the  cottage.  They  remained  there  until  twenty  minutes 
past  seven.  Bismarck,  remarking  that  the  room  was  not 
clean,  ordered  two  chairs  to  be  brought  out  to  the  front 
of  the  cottage  :  the  two  then  sat  down  facing  the  road, 
the  Emperor  on  the  right,  and  an  outdoor  conversation 
began  which  lasted  about  three-quarters  of  an  hour.  As 
they  sat,  Napoleon  occasionally  smiled  faintly  and  made 
a  remark  ;  but  clearly  Bismarck  was  doing  most  of  the 
talking.  Soon  after  eight  o'clock  Bismarck  quitted  the 
Emperor  for  a  time,  going  to  his  Donchery  quarters  for 
breakfast  and  to  dress. 

Madame  Fournaise,  the  wife  of  the  weaver  whose 
cottage  was  occupied  for  a  short  time  by  the  two  most 
conspicuous  men  in  Europe,  has  left — she  died  several 
years  ago — some  interesting  recollections  of  this  eventful 
morning.  The  Emperor,  she  said,  alighted,  and  came 
up  her  narrow  staircase.  To  reach  the  inner  room  he 
had  to  pass  through  her  bedroom,  where  she  had  just 
risen.  The  furniture  of  the  inner  room  consisted  of 
two  straw-bottomed  chairs,  a  round  table,  and  a  press. 
Bismarck,  '  in  a  rough  dress,'  presently  joined  the 
Emperor,  and  for  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  said  Madame 
Fournaise,  they  talked  in  low  tones,  of  which  she, 
remaining  in  the  outer  room,  occasionally  caught  a  word. 
Then  Bismarck  came  clattering  out — '  //  avait  une  tres 
mauvaise  mine.'1  She  warned  him  of  the  breakneck 
stairs,  but  he  '  sprang  down  them  like  a  man  of  twenty,' 
mounted  his  horse  and  rode  away  towards  Donchery. 
When  she  entered  the  room  in  which  the  Emperor 
remained,  she  found  him  seated  at  the  little  table  with 
his  face  buried    in   his  hands.      '  Can    I  do   anything  for 

*   Y 


322  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

your  Majesty  ? '  she  asked.  '  Only  to  pull  down  the 
blinds,'  was  Napoleon's  reply,  without  lifting  his  head. 
In  about  an  hour  Bismarck  returned  in  full  uniform  ;  he 
preceded  the  Emperor  down  the  stairs,  facing  towards 
him  as  if  to  '  usher  him  with  a  certain  honour.'  On  the 
threshold  the  Emperor  gave  Madame  Fournaise  four 
twenty-franc  pieces — '  he  put  them  into  my  own  hand '  ; 
and  he  said  plaintively,  '  This  probably  is  the  last 
hospitality  which  I  shall  receive  in  France.'  With  a 
kindly  word  of  farewell,  '  which  I  shall  never  forget,'  the 
Emperor  quitted  the  poor  house  in  which  he  had  suffered 
so  much  unhappiness.  The  Emperor's  gift  of  the  four 
twenty-franc  pieces,  Madame  Fournaise,  poor  though 
she  was,  would  never  part  with.  Three  of  the  coins 
bore  the  visage  of  Louis  Philippe  ;  the  fourth  was  a 
Napoleon.  When  near  her  end  she  directed  the  three 
'  Louis  Philippes '  to  be  expended  in  defraying  her 
funeral  expenses  ;  the  'Napoleon'  was  interred  with  her 
as  her  last  behest,  in  the  grave  of  the  woman  who  had 
given  to  the  unfortunate  Emperor  '  the  last  hospitality 
he  received  in  France.' 

Napoleon  remained  alone  in  the  upstairs  room  of  the 
weaver's  cottage  for  about  half  an  hour  after  Bismarck 
had  left  him  ;  then,  with  a  face  of  mortal  pallor,  he  came 
out  and  betook  himself  to  sauntering  moodily  by  himself 
along  the  path  in  the  potato  garden  on  the  right  of  the 
cottage,  his  white-gloved  hands  clasped  behind  his  back 
and  smoking  cigarette  after  cigarette.  His  gait  was 
curious.  He  limped  slightly  on  one  leg,  and  he  waddled 
in  a  sideways  fashion,  the  left  shoulder  forward,  and  his 
whole  motion  crab-like  and  doddering.  Later,  he  came 
and  sat  down  among  his  officers  in  front  of  the  cottage, 


THE    CATASTROPHE    OF    SEDAN      323 

maintaining  an  almost  unbroken  silence  while  they  spoke 
and  gesticulated  with  great  animation. 

At  a  quarter-past  nine  there  came  from  the  Don- 
chery  vicinity  at  a  trot  a  troop  of  Prussian  cuirassiers, 
who  promptly  formed  a  cordon  around  the  rear  of  the 
cottage.  The  lieutenant  dismounted  two  troopers  and 
without  recognising  the  French  group  or  making  any 
semblance  of  salute,  marched  them  up  to  behind  the 
Emperor's  chair,  halted  them,  shouted  the  order  '  Draw 
swords ! '  and  then  gave  the  men  their  orders  in  an 
undertone.  Napoleon  started  abruptly,  glanced  back- 
wards with  a  gesture  of  surprise,  and  the  blood  rushed 
into  his  face — the  first  evidence  of  emotion  he  had 
evinced. 

At  a  quarter  to  ten  Bismarck  returned,  now  in  full 
uniform.  Moltke  accompanied  him  ;  but  whereas  Bis- 
marck strode  forward  to  where  the  Emperor  was  now 
standing,  Moltke  remained  in  the  group  gathered  on 
the  road.  Half-way  to  Vendresse  Moltke  had  met  the 
King,  who  approved  of  the  proposed  terms  of  capitula- 
tion but  intimated  that  he  could  not  meet  the  Emperor 
until  they  should  have  been  accepted  by  the  French 
Commander-in-Chief. 

After  speaking  with  the  Emperor  for  a  few  moments 
Bismarck  ordered  up  the  carriage,  which  Napoleon 
presently  entered  ;  and  the  cortege,  escorted  by  the 
cuirassier  '  guard  of  honour,'  moved  off  at  a  walk  towards 
the  Chateau  Bellevue,  which  lies  somewhat  nearer  to 
Sedan  than  does  the  weaver's  cottage.  The  pretty  resi- 
dence looks  out  through  its  trees  on  the  broad  Meuseand 
the  plain  on  which  stands  Sedan.     The  garden  entrance 

on  the  first  floor  is  reached  by  a  broad  flight  of  stone  steps. 

y  2 


324  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

The  Emperor  was  ushered  into  the  drawing-room  in  the 
central  block,  where  he  remained  alone  after  Bismarck 
left  him.  He  seemed  ill  and  broken  as  he  slowly 
ascended  the  steps  with  drooping  head  and  dragging 
limbs. 

After  the  departure  of  the  Emperor  from  Sedan 
WimpfTen  had  summoned  to  a  council  of  war  the  general 
officers  of  the  army  of  Chalons,  who  listened  to  the  un- 
fortunate chief  as  in  a  voice  broken  by  sobs  he  recounted 
the  terms  insisted  on  by  Moltke.  Ultimately  the  council 
became  unanimous  in  favour  of  acceptance  of  the  condi- 
tions. But  WimpfTen,  nevertheless,  procrastinated  unac- 
countably hour  after  hour,  notwithstanding  that  the  hostile 
batteries  were  everywhere  taking  up  menacing  positions. 
At  length  an  officer  whom  Moltke  had  sent  with  the 
ultimatum  that  at  ten  o'clock  hostilities  would  certainly 
be  renewed  unless  by  that  hour  negotiations  should 
have  been  resumed,  bluntly  informed  General  WimpfTen 
that  he  had  instructions  to  give  the  order  as  he  rode 
back  that  the  German  batteries  would  open  fire  promptly 
at  the  hour  named.  Under  stress  of  this  argument 
WimpfTen  accompanied  Captain  von  Zingler  to  the 
Chateau  Bellevue,  in  the  dining-room  of  which  soon 
after  eleven  o'clock  the  capitulation  was  signed  by 
Generals  Moltke  and  WimpfTen.  Then  the  latter  had  a 
brief  interview  with  his  Imperial  master,  whom  he  in- 
formed with  great  emotion  that  '  all  was  finished.'  '  The 
Emperor,'  in  Wimpffen's  own  words,  '  with  tears  in  his 
eyes,  approached  me,  pressed  my  hand,  and  embraced 
me.  My  sad  and  painful  duty  accomplished,  I  rode  back 
to  Sedan,  la  vwrt  dans  lame? 

Meanwhile  the  Prussian  King  with  his  son  and  their 


THE    CATASTROPHE    OF    SEDAN       325 

respective  staffs  awaited  on  the  hill  above  Frenois  the 
tidings  of  the  completion  of  the  capitulation.  Moltke 
carried  the  convention  to  his  Majesty,  who  commanded 
the  momentous  document  to  be  read  aloud  ;  and  then  he 
himself  added  a  few  words  of  thanks  and  acknowledg- 
ment to  the  German  Princes  and  to  the  army  by  whose 
valour  and  exertions  results  of  so  great  magnitude  had 
been  achieved.  Then  the  great  cavalcade  rode  down  to 
the  Chateau  Bellevue.  As  William  alighted  Napoleon 
came  down  the  steps  to  meet  him.  The  contrast 
between  the  two  Sovereigns  was  strange  and  painful  : 
the  German,  tall,  upright,  square-shouldered,  with  the 
flash  of  success  from  the  keen  blue  eyes  from  under 
the  helmet  and  the  glow  of  triumph  on  the  fresh  cheek  ; 
the  Frenchman,  with  weary  stoop  of  the  shoulders, 
his  eyes  drooping,  his  lips  quivering,  bare-headed  and 
dishevelled.  As  the  two  clasped  hands  silently  Na- 
poleon's handkerchief  was  at  his  eyes,  and  William's 
face  became  full  of  concern.  Their  interview  in  the 
drawing-room  of  the  Chateau  lasted  for  about  twenty 
minutes.  Then  the  Prussian  King  rode  away  to  greet 
and  congratulate  his  victorious  soldiers.  Napoleon  re- 
mained in  the  Chateau  Bellevue  until  the  following 
morning. 

Sir  William  Fraser  mentions  in  his  '  Napoleon  III.' 
that  he  possesses  the  volume  of  '  Essais  de  Montaigne ' 
which  the  Emperor  was  reading  when  the  Prussian  King 
arrived  at  the  Chateau  Bellevue.  The  following  passage 
was  deeply  scored  by  Napoleon — the  previous  passage 
is  on  the  immortality  of  the  soul  : 

'  Deux  choses  rendoient  cette  opinion  plausible  :  l'une, 
que  sans  l'immortalite  des  ames  il  n'y  auroit  plus  de  quoy 


326  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

asservir}les  vaines  esperances  de  la  gloire,  qui  est  une 
consideration  de  merveilleux  credit  au  monde  l'aultre, 
que  c'est  une  tres  utile  impression,  come  diet  Platon,  que 
les  vices,  quand  ils  se  desroberont  de  la  veue  et  cognois- 
sance  de  I'humaine  justice,  demeurent  toujours  en  butte 
a.  la  divine,  qui  les  poursuivra  ;  voire  aprez  la  mort  des 
coupables.' 

Sir  William  has  fallen  into  some  errors  in  regard 
to  the  Sedan  period.  Napoleon  did  not  sleep  in  the 
Chateau  Bellevue  on  the  night  after  the  battle,  but  in  the 
bedroom  in  the  sub-prefecture  which  he  had  occupied  on 
the  two  previous  nights.  Wimpffen  found  him  there  in 
the  early  morning  of  the  2nd  on  his  return  from  the 
Donchery  conference.  It  was  on  the  night  of  that  day 
that  he  slept  in  the  Chateau  Bellevue  ;  and  it  was  on  that 
night,  and  not  on  the  night  of  the  1st,  that  he  selected 
from  a  bookcase  in  his  bedroom  Lord  Lytton's  novel 
'  The  Last  of  the  Barons,'  and  read  it  in  bed  for  several 
hours.  The  book  lay  face  downwards  on  the  commode 
at  the  bed-head,  presumably  where  the  Emperor  had  left 
off  reading  ;  and  it  remained  there  untouched  for  hours 
after  Napoleon  had  crossed  the  frontier  and  reached 
Bouillon.  Not  three  but  four  gold  pieces  were  over  the 
chimney-piece  in  the  inner  room  of  the  weaver's  cottage  ; 
three  were  '  Louis  '  and  only  the  fourth  was  a  '  Napoleon.' 
'What  about  the  four  twenty-francs  pieces  ?  '  asked  of 
Madame  Fournaise  a  pilgrim  to  Sedan — '  No  doubt  you 
have  sold  them  over  and  over  again  ?  '  '  Oh,  my  God, 
no  ! '  she  exclaimed.  '  Never — never  !  Did  he  not  give 
them  to  me  with  his  own  hand  ?  See !  the  original  four 
are  in  that  locked  case  with  the  glass  top  on  the  mantel 
yonder.     Over  and  over  again    I    could  have   had   500 


THE    CATASTROPHE    OF    SEDAN       327 

francs  for  the  four  pieces  ;    but  no  money  would  tempt 
me  to  sell  them  ! ' 

On  the  afternoon  of  the  2nd  Napoleon  was  again 
visible  ;  he  had  come  out  into  the  little  park  of  the 
Chateau  to  superintend  the  reorganisation  of  his  train, 
which  had  come  out  from  Sedan  in  the  course  of  the 
morning.  He  looked  very  wan  and  weary,  but  still 
maintained  his  impassive  aspect.  The  Imperial  equipage 
in  its  magnificence,  the  numerous  glittering  and  massive 
fourgons,  the  splendid  teams  of  draught  animals  and  the 
squadron  of  led  horses,  presented  an  extraordinary  con- 
trast to  the  plain  simplicity  of  the  King  of  Prussia's 
campaigning  outfit.  In  gold  and  scarlet  the  coachmen 
and  outriders  of  Napoleon  glittered  profusely.  He  of 
Prussia  had  his  postillions  in  plain  blue  cloth,  with  oil- 
cloth covers  on  their  hats  to  keep  the  rain  and  dust 
off  the  nap.  Zola,  in  his  vivid  but  often  grotesquely 
erroneous  '  Debacle,'  has  fallen  into  strange  blundering 
in  regard  to  the  Imperial  equipage.  He  thus  refers  to 
it :  '  The  Imperial  baggage-train  had  been  left  behind  in 
Sedan,  where  it  rested  in  hiding  behind  the  Sous-Prefet's 
lilac  bushes.  It  puzzled  the  authorities  to  rid  themselves 
of  what  was  to  them  a  bite  noire  by  getting  it  out  of 
the  city  unseen  by  the  famishing  multitude,  on  which 
its  flaunting  splendour  would  have  produced  the  effect 
of  a  red  rag  to  a  mad  bull.  There  came  at  length 
an  unusually  dark  night,  when  horses,  carriages,  and 
baggage-waggons,  with  their  silver  stewpans,  plate,  linen, 
and  baskets  of  fine  wines,  trooped  out  of  Sedan  in 
deepest  mystery,  and  shaped  their  course  for  Belgium 
without  beat  of  drum,  over  the  least-frequented  roads, 
like  a  thief  stealing  away  in  the  night.' 


328  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

The  Imperial  train,  as  has  been  said,  was  massed  in 
the  park  of  the  Chateau  Bellevue  on  the  afternoon 
of  Sept.  2.  By  the  evening  of  Sept.  3  the  capitulated 
French  army  was  disarmed  and  enclosed  under  guard  on 
the  peninsula  of  Iges.  There  remained  then  in  Sedan 
only  its  normal  or  less  than  normal  population,  far  too 
crushed  to  attempt  any  irregularity.  A  German  governor 
had  been  installed,  German  troops  were  in  garrison,  and 
Sedan  would  not  have  dared  to  remonstrate  if  the 
Imperial  train  had  perambulated  the  city  in  face  of  the 
population  all  day  long. 

On  the  morning  of  Sept.  3  the  Emperor  and  his 
suite  and  cortege  left  the  Chateau  Bellevue  in  a  heavy 
downpour  of  rain,  driving  through  Donchery  and  by 
Floing  and  Illy  and  across  the  battlefield  of  the  1st,  and 
past  the  frontier  to  Bouillon  in  Belgium,  en  route  for 
Wilhelmshohe  in  Cassel.  At  Verviers  on  the  morning  of 
the  5th  Napoleon  learned  from  a  newspaper  sold  to  him 
by  a  newsboy  on  the  railway  platform  that  he  was  no 
longer  a  Sovereign.  Accompanied  by  General  Boyer,  an 
aide-de-camp  of  King  William,  he  reached  Wilhelmshohe 
the  same  afternoon. 


329 


CHAPTER   XVI 

THE  ENDING  OF  THE  CAREER 

The  Prussian  King  during  his  interview  with  Napoleon 
in  the  Chateau  Bellevue  on  Sept.  2  gave  permission  to 
the  latter  to  despatch  to  the  Empress  in  Paris  a  telegram 
in  cypher.  It  was  very  brief.  'The  army  of  Chalons  has 
surrendered  en  masse,'  so  it  ran;  'and  I  am  a  prisoner  of 
war.'  This  was  the  earliest  authentic  message  which 
reached  Paris.  The  Palace  of  Wilhelmshohe,  which  was 
to  be  Napoleon's  luxurious  place  of  detention  for  several 
months  after  his  ruin  on  the  field  of  Sedan,  had  belonged 
to  King  Jerome,  the  uncle  of  the  Emperor,  who  when 
quite  an  infant  had  visited  it  with  his  mother  Queen 
Hortense.  It  had  now  become  the  property  of  the 
Grand  Duke  of  Hesse.  In  the  picture  gallery  of  the 
Palace  Napoleon  recognised  the  portrait  of  Hortense, 
painted  when  in  full  glow  of  her  youth  and  beauty. 

The  first  public  act  of  the  Emperor  during  his 
captivity  was  to  write  the  following  letter  to  General 
Wimpffen  in  reference  to  his  official  report  on  the  battle 
of  Sedan.      It  was  as  follows  : 

1  General, — I  have  read  your  official  report  on  the 
battle  of  Sedan.  It  contains  two  assertions  which  I  contra- 
dict. If  I  did  not  accede  to  your  appeal  to  cut  our  way 
out  towards  Carignan,  it  was  because  it  was  impracticable, 


330  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

as  experience  proved  to  you  ;  and  because  the  attempt, 
as  I  foresaw,  would  only  sacrifice  the  lives  of  many 
soldiers.  I  consented  to  hoist  the  white  flag  only  when 
in  the  opinion  of  all  the  commanders  of  Army  Corps 
further  resistance  had  become  impossible.  I  cannot, 
therefore,  have  impeded  your  means  of  action.  Believe, 
General,  in  my  sentiments. 

'  Napoleon.' 

In  a  letter  written  by  the  Emperor  to  the  Commission 
of  Enquiry  on  the  conduct  of  the  war  issued  in  May, 
1872  he  dealt  as  follows  with  questions  relating  to 
Sedan.  '  The  honour  of  the  army,'  he  wrote,  '  having 
been  saved  by  the  bravery  which  had  been  shown,  I  then 
exercised  my  sovereign  right  and  gave  orders  to  hoist  a 
flag  of  truce.  I  claim  the  entire  responsibility  of  that 
act'  No  doubt,  in  acting  as  he  did  on  the  afternoon  of 
Sedan  Napoleon  was  actuated  by  humane  motives  ;  but 
it  is  more  than  questionable  whether,  when  he  ordered 
the  display  of  the  white  flag,  he  had  any  '  sovereign 
right '  which  gave  him  that  power.  His  attribution  to 
himself  of  '  sovereign  right '  on  that  fateful  afternoon 
was  incompatible  with  his  statement  to  Bronsart  that 
the  French  army  was  under  the  command  of  General 
Wimpffen. 

The  monotony  of  the  life  at  Wilhelmshohe  was 
broken  but  once,  when  the  Empress  in  the  end  of 
October  came  to  make  a  short  visit  to  her  suffering 
husband.  Her  own  experiences  had  been  tragic.  On 
the  afternoon  of  Sept.  4,  the  day  of  the  Revolution  and 
of  the  ddchdance,  she  quitted  the  Tuileries  in  a  fiacre 
accompanied  by  Madame   Lebreton  and  was  driven  to 


THE    ENDING    OF    THE    CAREER      331 

the  house  in  the  Avenue  de  l'lmperatrice  of  the 
American  dentist,  Dr.  Evans,  where  she  spent  the 
night.  On  the  morning  of  the  5th  the  Empress  quitted 
Paris.  After  many  delays  Deauville  was  reached  the 
same  evening.  Dr.  Evans  prevailed  on  Sir  John 
Burgoyne  to  carry  the  Empress  across  the  Channel  in 
his  yacht  the  Gazelle,  and  the  little  vessel,  barely  forty- 
five  feet  long,  put  out  to  sea  in  very  heavy  weather  at 
six  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  7th.  In  its  dog- 
hole  of  a  cabin  were  crowded  the  Empress,  Madame 
Lebreton,  Dr.  Evans,  and  Sir  John  Burgoyne,  while  a 
tempest  raged  for  three-and-twenty  hours.  At  daybreak 
on  the  8th  the  wind  fell  and  the  yacht  entered  the 
harbour  of  Ryde.  After  having  rested  for  a  short  time 
there  the  Empress  proceeded  to  Hastings  and  arrived 
in  the  afternoon  at  the  Marine  Hotel  in  that  town, 
where  she  remained  a  fortnight,  and  where  she  was 
joined  by  the.  Prince  Imperial  who  had  come  from 
Belgium.  At  Hastings,  a  busy  watering-place,  the 
Empress  found  herself  involved  in  a  stir  and  bustle 
which  annoyed  and  disturbed  her.  An  English  friend 
who  had  known  the  Emperor  in  other  times  was  willing 
to  let  his  mansion  of  Camden  House  at  Chislehurst,  and 
about  Sept.  20  the  Empress  took  up  her  residence  with 
her  son  in  that  abode  where  in  the  years  to  come  she 
was  to  endure  so  many  sorrows. 

From  Wilhelmshohe  Napoleon  addressed  his  last 
proclamation  to  the  French  people.  It  is  too  long  for 
insertion,  nor  is  it  of  great  interest.  Referring  to  the 
defence  maintained  so  long  and  so  bravely  by  the 
Government  of  National  Defence,  he  wrote  :  '  I  found 
the  Empire,  which  the  whole  nation  had  just  acclaimed 


%\2  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 


0  0 


for  the  third  time,  upset  and  deserted  by  those  who  were 
bound  to  defend  it.  Giving  truce  to  my  natural  and 
just  resentment,  I  exclaimed,  "  What  matters  the  dynasty 
if  the  country  can  be  saved  ?  "  And  instead  of  protesting 
against  the  violation  of  the  law  my  prayers  were  given 
to  the  national  defence,  and  I  have  admired  the  patriotic 
devotion  which  the  sons  of  all  classes  and  all  parties 
have  shown.'  The  Emperor  adhered  to  the  conviction 
that  his  favourite  nostrum  of  universal  suffrage  would 
redress  his  misfortunes  and  restore  the  Empire.  He 
was  confident  that  the  millions  of  Frenchmen  who  had 
voted  in  his  favour  in  the  plebiscite  of  May,  1870,  were 
still  the  staunch  suppporters  of  himself  and  of  his 
dynasty.  But  that  illusion  vanished  when  the  tidings 
reached  him  of  the  result  of  the  Bordeaux  elections 
during  the  armistice  of  February-March  1871.  He 
uttered  no  complaint  ;  but  he  was  overwhelmed  with 
grief  and  struck  to  the  heart  ;  for  he  truly  loved  the 
people  from  which  the  shattering  blow  proceeded  and 
which  he  had  believed  to  be  true  to  him.  He  had  grown 
old,  grey,  and  worn  when,  his  long  dreary  imprisonment 
ended,  he  landed  at  Dover  on  March  20,  187 1,  and  was 
warmly  greeted  by  a  crowd  of  old  adherents  and  of 
Britons  with  whom  he  had  always  been  popular.  The 
Empress  and  the  Prince  Imperial  were  there  to  receive 
him,  and  they  threw  themselves  into  his  arms  as  he 
stepped  ashore.  He  was  visibly  cheered  by  the  warmth 
of  his  English  welcome.  On  April  15  the  Queen  drove 
to  Chislehurst  and  paid  him  and  the  Empress  a  visit 
of  friendly  cordiality.  On  Aug.  15,  his  birthday — in 
marked  contrast  to  his  sombre  birthday  of  the  preceding 
year — Chislehurst  was  alive  with  visitors  from  France 


THE    ENDING   OF   THE    CAREER      333 

and  bright  with  floral  offerings  and  tokens  of  the  loyalty 
of  officers  of  the  Imperial  Guard.  In  September  the 
Emperor  went  to  Torquay  with  his  son,  while  the 
Empress  paid  her  mother  a  visit  in  Spain.  Demonstra- 
tions of  sympathy  and  regard  were  manifested  wherever 
he  appeared  in  public,  as,  for  instance,  at  a  review  of  the 
Woolwich  garrison,  and  when  he  watched  the  thanks- 
giving progress  of  the  Prince  of  Wales  to  St.  Paul's 
Cathedral  on  his  recovery  from  his  recent  illness. 

This  cordial  welcome  to  the  land  of  his  old-time  exile 
soothed  but  failed  to  cure  the  melancholy  of  the  life  at 
Chislehurst.  His  long-standing  deep-seated  ailment, 
which,  curiously  enough,  he  shared  with  old  Kaiser 
Wilhelm  of  Germany,  had  been  exacerbated  by  the 
physical  exertions  of  the  campaign  and  in  especial  by 
the  long  hours  in  the  saddle  which  he  endured  in  agony 
on  the  day  of  Sedan.  During  the  period  of  his  residence 
at  Chislehurst  he  was  on  horseback  only  three  times,  and 
on  the  last  occasion  the  effect  was  so  deleterious  that  he 
never  again  mounted  a  horse.  He  moved  but  seldom 
beyond  the  boundaries  of  the  park  surrounding  Camden 
Place.  In  the  summer  of  1872  he  made  some  stay 
in  the  Isle  of  Wight,  but  the  benefit  was  merely  tem- 
porary. An  intimate  writes  :  '  The  Emperor  would  walk 
up  and  down  the  long  corridor  of  Camden  Place  with 
his  arm  on  the  young  Prince's  shoulder,  while  he  talked 
to  the  lad  of  men  and  things.  After  the  midday  break- 
fast, at  which  the  little  Court  met  for  the  first  time  in  the 
day,  he  would  sit  in  the  morning-room  in  his  arm-chair 
by  the  wood  fire  and  talk  cheerfully  with  the  Empress 
or  with  any  visitors  who  had  come.  It  was  but  a  small 
circle  in  which   the  Imperial   couple   moved,  but   it   was 


334  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

one  of  steadfast  friends.  The  Emperor  talked  willingly 
and  freely  of  the  remote  past,  but  he  was  only  a  listener 
when  contemporary  politics  were  under  discussion.  If 
he  interfered,  it  was  to  counsel  moderation  of  speech 
or  to  protest  against  reprisals.' 

About  the  beginning  of  July,  1870  the  Emperor  at 
the  instance  of  Dr.  See  had  been  prevailed  upon  to  call 
a  consultation  of  the  leading  surgeons  of  Paris.  A  tele- 
gram was  sent  to  London  requesting  that  Mr.  Prescott- 
Hewett  the  eminent  English  specialist  should  come 
to  Paris  and  make  an  examination  in  consultation 
with  the  French  surgeons.  Mr.  Prescott-Hewett,  how- 
ever, did  not  see  the  Emperor  until  after  the  commence- 
ment of  the  campaign,  either  at  Metz  or  at  Chalons  ; 
and  although  the  Emperor  was  much  more  fit  for  an 
operation  than  a  campaign  he  took  the  field.  The 
mischief  was  progressing  gradually,  and  at  the  close 
of  1872  the  Emperor's  surgical  advisers  agreed  that 
operative  measures  had  become  necessary.  The  series 
began  on  Jan.  2,  1873.  Two  operations  were  performed 
with  a  certain  success,  but  the  patient's  condition  was 
not  satisfactory,  although  the  physicians  were  far  from 
regarding  his  case  as  hopeless.  After  the  second  opera- 
tion performed  by  Sir  Henry  Thompson,  during  which 
he  was  under  the  influence  of  an  anaesthetic,  the  trouble 
seemed  of  a  purely  local  character  and  the  inflammation 
promised  soon  to  subside.  As  the  pain,  however,  con- 
tinued extremely  violent,  it  was  considered  advisable  to 
resort  to  a  powerful  narcotic,  and  the  Emperor  passed  the 
last  night  of  his  existence  in  a  calmness  which  seemed  to 
permit  strong  hopes  of  his  ultimate  recovery.  Sir  Henry 
Thompson,    Sir   William     Gull,    Baron     Corvisart    and 


THE    ENDING   OF    THE    CAREER      335 

Dr.  Conneau  were  to  hold  a  consultation  on  the  following 
day  (9th)  at  eleven  a.m.  ;  and  it  was  understood  that 
a  third,  and  probably  final,  operation  was  to  follow  the 
consultation.  At  10.25  o'clock  of  that  morning,  however, 
Sir  Henry  Thompson  found  that  the  pulse,  which  until 
then  had  beat  with  great  regularity — 80  to  84 — suddenly 
became  weak.  He  immediately  discerned  that  Napo- 
leon III.  had  but  a  few  minutes  to  live  ;  he  apprised  his 
colleagues — who  agreed  with  his  opinion — and  the 
Empress  was  immediately  informed  of  the  sudden  sinking. 
She  was  at  once  by  her  husband's  bedside  ;  but  he  did 
not  seem  to  recognise  her — he  was  rapidly  sinking, 
notwithstanding  the  small  doses  of  brandy  which  pro- 
duced a  momentary  reaction.  The  Empress  promptly 
telegraphed  to  Woolwich  for  the  Prince  Imperial  to  come 
with  all  speed,  and  also  sent  for  the  Abbe"  Goddard, 
the  parish  priest  of  Chislehurst.  He  arrived  in  a  few 
minutes,  and  administered  the  last  sacrament  to  the 
dying  man.  The  Empress,  the  Due  de  Bassano, 
Vicomte  Clary,  M.  Pietri  and  Madame  Lebreton  were 
kneeling  by  the  bedside,  and  nothing  could  be  heard  but 
the  prayers  of  the  priest  and  the  sobbing  of  those 
present.  The  religious  ceremony  ended,  during  which 
the  Emperor  seemed  to  evince  some  signs  of  conscious- 
ness, the  Empress  approached  the  bedside  and  embraced 
her  husband.  The  dying  Napoleon  made  signs  that  he 
wished  to  give  his  last  kiss  to  his  devoted  wife,  heaved 
two  faint  sighs,  and  expired  at  10.45  A-M-  The  young 
Prince  did  not  reach  Chislehurst  in  time  to  see  his  father 
before  his  death  :  his  despair  at  being  too  late  was  pitiable. 
The  Empress  conducted  him  to  the  bedside  of  his  dead 
father  ;  he  kissed   the  dead   repeatedly,   and  placed  on 


336  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

his  breast  (as  the  Empress  and  the  Abbe  Goddard  had 
previously  done)  a  small  spray  of  box.  The  medical 
men  present  were  agreed  that  the  death  they  witnessed 
was  the  result  either  of  a  rapid  failure  of  heart-action 
or  from  arrest  of  circulation  by  a  blood-clot. 

The  Emperor  Napoleon  expired  at  a  quarter-past 
eleven  on  Jan.  9,  1873,  at  the  age  of  sixty-five.  His  last 
words,  faintly  addressed  to  his  life-long  and  devoted 
adherent  Dr.  Conneau  were,  '  Etiez-vous  a  Sedan  ?  ' 

The  vicissitudes  which  Louis  Napoleon  experienced 
almost  from  the  cradle  to  the  grave  were  probably  all 
but  unexampled.  He  was  a  fugitive  before  he  could 
speak  articulately.  In  the  interval  between  his 
twentieth  and  his  fortieth  year  he  was  a  prisoner  in 
Strasburg,  Lorient,  Ham,  and  the  Conciergerie.  He 
was  an  outlaw  for  more  than  half  of  his  life.  There  were 
incidents,  at  Strasburg  and  later  at  Boulogne,  which 
brought  upon  him  the  mock  and  jeer  of  Europe.  He 
carried  a  baton  as  a  special  constable  in  Park  Lane  on 
Chartists'  Day.  Then,  by  a  sudden  turn  of  fortune,  he 
became  President  of  the  French  Republic.  The  Coup 
(V Etat  made  him  Emperor  of  the  French  ;  and  thence- 
forth for  some  fifteen  years  he  was  perhaps  the  most- 
considered  man  of  Europe.  It  was  said  of  him  that  on 
being  asked  whether  he  should  not  find  it  difficult  to  rule 
the  French  nation  he  replied,  '  Oh  no  !  nothing  is  more 
easy.  //  leur  faut  une  guerre  tous  les  quatre  ans.'  This 
policy  held  good  in  a  modified  degree.  The  Crimean 
War  was  for  him  a  success,  although  not  precisely  a 
triumph  ;  the  Italian  campaign,  in  spite  of  its  hard-fought 
victories,  ended  abruptly  in  approximation  to  a  failure. 


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THE    ENDING   OF   THE    CAREER      33y 

The    Mexican    expedition    was    an    utter    fiasco.     Yet 
Napoleon  might  have  gone  on  with  his  programme  of  a 
war  every  four  years  but  for  the  circumstance  that  there 
happened    to    be    in    Europe   in  the  middle  'Sixties  an 
infinitely  stronger,   more  masterful  and  more   rusd  man 
than  the  dreamy  and  decaying  Napoleon.     When  he  and 
Bismarck  walked  along  the   Biarritz  beach  in  October, 
1865,  Bismarck  expounding  his  political  speculations  as 
they  strolled — '  Is  he  mad  ? '  the   Emperor  whispered  to 
Prosper  Merimee    on  whose   arm  he  leant.      Napoleon 
had  very  soon  to  recognise  that  madness  had   no  part  in 
the    character   of   Otto    von    Bismarck.     The    Prussian 
Premier  was   his  superior  in  energy,    in   determination, 
and   in  finesse  ;  and    he  foiled  the  French  Emperor  at 
every  turn.      After  Sadowa  Napoleon  could  not  but  have 
felt  assured  that  war  between    France  and   Prussia  was 
inevitable  sooner  or  later.     Yet  the   French   army  was 
gradually  deteriorating  and  its   discipline  and  readiness 
for  war  were  becoming  more  and  more  impaired.    Loose- 
ness   on    the    part    of    the    higher    officers    occasioned 
carelessness  and  irregularities  in   the  lower  grades  and 
in  the  rank  and  file.     Yet  the  reduction  of  the  contingent 
of  the   year   1870  by  10,000  conscripts  was  held  to  be 
justified  by  the  Prime  Minister,  who  said  :  'The  Govern- 
ment has  no  uneasiness  whatsoever  ;  at  no  epoch  was  the 
peace    of   Europe    more    assured.      Irritating    questions 
there  are  none.     We  have  developed  liberty,   in   order 
to  assure   peace ;    and    the    accord    between   the   nation 
and    the    Sovereign    has    produced    a    French     Sadowa 
— the  plebiscite.'     Those  complacent  expressions    were 
uttered  on   July  2,  1S70;  before  the   month  was  ended 
France    and    Germany    were    at    war   with   each    other, 

z 


338  LIFE    OF     NAPOLEON    III 

and  soldiers  of  both  nations  had  already  fallen  on  the 
frontier. 

From  his  accession  to  the  Throne  up  to  the  autumn 
of  i860  Napoleon  ruled,  in  effect,  an  absolute  monarch  ; 
and  he  would  have  acted  wisely  if  he  had  never  com- 
municated his  resolution  to  liberalise  the  Parliamentary 
groundwork  of  the  Empire.  After  he  made  this  con- 
cession to  a  nation  which  was  quite  content  to  live  under 
a  regime  of  benevolent  absolutism,  he  was  always  more 
or  less  involved  in  political  troubles.  '  Constitutional 
Reforms '  were  simply  the  vestibule  to  the  arena  of 
heated  and  venomous  political  conflicts  ;  and  the  Em- 
peror was  frequently  compelled  to  express  disappoint- 
ment at  the  manner  in  which  his  acts  were  misinterpreted. 
The  view  of  the  wise  and  shrewd  Prince  Consort  was 
that  in  giving  Constitutional  Government  to  France  the 
Emperor  was  but  turning  from  dreams  of  conquest  to 
visions  of  nationalities  rehabilitated  by  revolutions. 
While  Napoleon  remained  physically  capable,  Constitu- 
tional Government  was  tempered  in  a  measure  by  the 
supreme  sway  of  the  Sovereign;  but  about  1862  the 
germs  of  the  ailment  which  tortured  him  for  the 
remainder  of  his  life  began  to  rack  him.  He  was  a  most 
temperate  man,  but  he  allowed  himself  freedoms  in 
a  certain  way.  A  list  of  his  affairs,  from  La  Belle 
Sabotiere  of  Ham  down  to  and  beyond  Margot  Bel- 
langer,  need  not  be  given  here.  During  his  frequent  and 
lengthened  visits  to  watering-places  for  the  sake  of  his 
health,  Constitutional  Government  had  a  good  deal  its  own 
way  ;  and,  as  has  been  already  said,  when  he  confided 
the  government  of  France  to  the  responsible  Ministry 
of  which    M.   Emile   Ollivier  was  the  head,    he    finally 


THE    ENDING   OF   THE    CAREER      339 

retired  from  the  direction  of  public  affairs  and  resolutely 
restricted  himself  to  the  duties  of  a  Constitutional  Sove- 
reign. With  the  appointment  of  the  Ollivier  Adminis- 
tration the  role  of  the  Emperor  as  active  ruler  ended. 

Mr.  Jerrold  has  well  remarked  that  to  Napoleon  III. 
Paris  owes  a  great  debt.      'The  slums,'  he  states,  'lying 
between   the    Palais    Royal   and    the   Tuileries   and   the 
unfinished  Louvre  ;  the  unkempt  and  unlighted  Champs 
Elysees  ;  the  waste  place  bordered  by  guingtiettes  about 
the  Arch  of  Triumph — such  were  the  plague-spots  which 
Napoleon  and  Haussmann  stamped  out ;  substituting  for 
them  wide  boulevards  and  spacious  streets,  flower-decked 
squares,    markets,     baths,    a    system     of    drainage,     an 
abundant  water-supply,  and  paths  and  gardens  in  every 
quarter.     A    great    highway  from    the  Tuileries  to  the 
Place  de  la  Bastille  was  hewn  through  one  of  the  most 
tortuous  and    swarming   quarters    of  the    capital.     The 
Louvre    was  joined   to    the    Tuileries — alas,   no    longer 
extant ;  and   the   Place   du   Carrousel  was  levelled    and 
laid  out.     The  great  boulevards  were   extended   to  the 
Madeleine.     The    Champs    Elysees  were   decked    with 
shrubs  and  flower-beds.     The  Palais  de  1' Industrie  was 
built.     The  Bois  de  Boulogne  was  made  a  paragon  of 
landscape  gardening,  brightened  by  a  broad  expanse  of 
ornamental    water  ;  and  the  Tour  du   Lac   became   the 
fashionable  ride  and  drive  of  Paris.     The  Malesherbes 
quarter   of   Paris,    with    the    Pare    Monceaux    and   that 
region    of  palaces    round    the    Arch    of    Triumph    and 
flanking   the    beautiful    avenue    now    no    longer    named 
"  de  l'lmpeVatrice,"  was  laid  out  and  its  stately  structures 
were    built    over   the    waste    ground    of  the    evil    days 

of  the  Revolution  of  February.     The  Tour  St.  Jacques 

z  2 


34o  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

springs  now  from  the  bosom  of  a  garden.  The  Hotel 
Dieu  is  no  longer  a  disgrace  to  the  capital.  Nor  was  it 
only  in  Paris  that  the  hand  of  the  Imperial  reformer 
was  visible.  Every  city  in  France  became  eager  to 
follow  the  example  of  Paris.  In  Marseilles,  Lyons, 
Rouen,  Amiens,  Bordeaux,  Tours,  considerable  improve- 
ments were  effected.  In  short,  there  is  not  a  provincial 
town  in  France  which  cannot  show  marked  amelioration, 
the  result  of  the  initiative  of  the  Imperial  Government.' 

Sir  William  Fraser  in  his  'Napoleon  III.'  writes 
with  great  truth  that  the  Emperor  made  no  imputation 
of  misconduct  against  the  commanders  of  the  army 
whicn  was  defeated  at  Sedan,  in  marked  contrast  to  the 
accusations  made  by  his  great  uncle  after  Waterloo.  Even 
in  his  letter  to  General  Wimpffen  contradicting  briefly 
two  assertions  of  the  latter,  there  is  no  trace  of  irritation. 
He  wrote  a  kindly  letter  to  Bazaine  while  the  '  Army  of 
the  Rhine '  was  still  maintaining  itself  in  the  Metz  posi- 
tion, a  letter  which  it  may  be  worth  while  to  quote  : — 

'  My  dear  Marshal, — It  is  a  real  consolation  to  me 
in  my  misfortunes  to  learn  that  you  are  near  me.  I 
should  be  glad  were  I  able  by  word  of  mouth  to  express 
the  sentiments  which  I  feel  for  you  and  the  heroic  army 
which  under  your  orders  has  fought  so  many  bloody 
fights,  and  endured  with  constancy  unheard-of  privations. 
Believe,  my  dear  Marshal,  in  my  sincere  friendship. 

'  Napoleon. 

'Cassel,  Wilhelmshohe,  Oct.  13,  1870.' 

Earl  Cowper,  reviewing  the  Memoirs  of  the  Due  de 
Persigny  in  the  '  Nineteenth  Century,'  remarks  that 
Persigny  lays  great  stress  upon  the  evils  of  duality  in 
the    Imperial    Council,    the    existence   of   two    opposite 


THE    ENDING   OF    THE    CAREER      341 

parties,  the  difficulties  which  time-serving  Ministers  felt 
in  choosing  between  the  Emperor  and  the  Empress,  and 
the  vacillating,  uncertain  policy  which  was  the  result. 
Persigny  strongly  urges  that  at  all  events  the  difficulties 
between  the  Sovereign  and  his  Consort  might  be 
adjusted  beforehand.  This  paper  continues  Loid 
Cowper,  is  valuable  for  the  light  it  incidentally  throws 
upon  the  scenes  that  must  have  occurred,  the  undignified 
contentions  between  man  and  wife  which  scandalised 
the  Council  and  brought  contempt  on  the  Emperor,  and 
the  unmixed  harm  which  was  done  by  a  brilliant  and 
accomplished  lady  who,  acting  as  Regent  with  a  full 
sense  of  responsibility  and  surrounded  by  Ministers  of 
her  own  choice,  might  have  played  a  considerable  part. 

Sir  William  Fraser  avers  that  there  can  be  no  doubt 
that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  while  in  exile  fully  intended 
to  make  a  final  effort  to  regain  the  Throne  which  he  lost 
on  Sept.  4,  1870.  It  was  not  merely  to  obtain  relief 
from  suffering  that  he  underwent  the  painful  operations 
which  caused  his  death.  Resolute  to  return  to  France, 
he  knew  that  it  was  necessary  that  he  should  ride  into 
Paris  on  horseback  at  the  head  of  an  army  ;  and  this  he 
could  do  only  as  a  favourable  result  of  the  series  of 
operations.  In  his  own  words  :  '  I  cannot  walk  on  foot 
at  the  head  of  troops  ;  it  would  have  a  still  worse  effect 
to  enter  Paris  in  a  carriage  ;  it  is  necessary  that  I  should 
ride  ; '  and  it  was  with  the  object  of  doing  so  that  he 
submitted  to  the  operations  under  which  he  succumbed. 
Sir  William  adds  on  later  information  :  '  Not  only  was  the 
Emperor's  return  to  Paris  intended,  but  every  detail  had 
been  arranged.  A  private  yacht  was  to  be  available  for 
landing  the  Emperor  at  some  undetermined  port  on  the 


342  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

northern  corner  of  France,  or  perhaps  in  Belgium. 
Landing  secretly,  the  arrangement  was  that  the  Emperor 
should  proceed  through  France  to  the  camp  at  Chalons, 
where  forty  or  fifty  thousand  men  should  be  assembled 
for  the  purpose  of  manoeuvres  ;  declaring  himself,  he  was 
to  head  this  army  and  march  at  once  on  Paris.'  Sir 
William  adds  that  his  information  was  from  the  pro- 
prietor of  the  yacht,  the  late  James  Ashbury,  who 
repeated  the  circumstances  to  him  (Sir  W.  Fraser)  the 
evening  before  his  death.  He  states  further  that  he  had 
information  to  the  same  effect  from  a  person  who  was  to 
have  supplied  for  the  enterprise  a  large  sum  of  money  ;. 
and  another  informant,  holding  a  very  high  official 
position  in  a  distant  country,  corroborated  the  statement 
with  the  remark,  '  I  was  to  have  played  a  somewhat 
conspicuous  part  in  the  drama.' 

The  father  who  lost  his  life  in  the  hope  of  being  able 
to  return  to  France,  and  the  gallant  young  son  who  fell 
slain  by  savages  in  an  obscure  corner  of  South  Africa, 
now  sleep  together  in  the  mausoleum  at  Farnborough, 
each  in  his  sarcophagus. 

The  following  is  the  will  of  Napoleon  III.  : 

'April  24,  1865. 

'  This  is  my  Will. 
'  I  commend  my  son  and  my  wife  to  the  high  con- 
stituted authorities  of  the  State,  to  the  people,  and  to  the 
army.  The  Empress  Eugenie  possesses  all  the  qualities 
requisite  for  conducting  the  Regency  well,  and  my  son 
displays  a  disposition  and  judgment  which  will  render 
him  worthy  of  his  high  destinies.      Let  him  never  forget 


THE    ENDING    OF    THE    CAREER     343 

the  motto  of  the  head  of  our  family,  "  Everything  for  the 
French  people."  Let  him  fix  in  his  mind  the  writings  of 
the  prisoner  of  St.  Helena  ;  let  him  study  the  Emperor's 
deeds  and  correspondence  ;  finally,  let  him  remember, 
when  circumstances  so  permit,  that  the  cause  of  the 
people  is  the  cause  of  France. 

'  Power  is  a  heavy  burden,  because  one  cannot 
always  do  all  the  good  one  could  wish,  and  because  your 
contemporaries  seldom  render  you  justice  ;  so  that,  in 
order  to  fulfil  one's  mission,  one  must  have  faith  in, 
and  consciousness  of,  one's  duty.  It  is  necessary  to 
consider  that  from  Heaven  on  high  those  whom  you 
have  loved  regard  and  protect  you  ;  it  is  the  soul  of  my 
illustrious  uncle  that  has  always  inspired  and  sustained 
me.  The  like  will  apply  to  my  son,  for  he  will  always 
be  worthy  of  his  name. 

'  I  leave  to  the  Empress  Eugenie  all  my  private 
property.  It  is  my  desire  that  on  the  majority  of  my 
son  she  shall  inhabit  the  Elysee  and  Biarritz. 

'  I  trust  that  my  memory  will  be  dear  to  her,  and 
that  after  my  death  she  will  forget  the  griefs  I  may  have 
caused  her. 

'  With  regard  to  my  son,  let  him  keep  as  a  talisman 
the  seal  I  used  to  wear  attached  to  my  watch,  and  which 
belonged  to  my  mother ;  let  him  carefully  preserve 
everything  which  comes  to  me  from  the  Emperor  my 
uncle,  and  let  him  be  convinced  that  my  heart  and  soul 
remain  with  him. 

'  I  make  no  mention  of  my  faithful  servants — I  am 
convinced  that  the  Empress  and  my  son  will  never 
abandon  them. 


344  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

'  I  shall  die  in  the  Catholic  Apostolic  and  Roman 
religion,  which  my  son  will  always  honour  by  his  piety. 

'  (Signed)  Napoleon. 

'  Done,  written,  and  signed  with  my  hand  at  the 
Palace  of  the  Tuileries,  April  24,  1865. 

'  (Signed)  Napoleon.' 

This  will  was  published  in  the  English  papers  with 
the  following  explanatory  letter  from  the  solicitors  of  the 
Empress : — 

'  Sir, — Incorrect  statements  having  repeatedly  ap- 
peared in  both  English  and  foreign  newspapers  regarding 
the  will  of  the  late  Emperor  Napoleon,  wre  think  it 
right,  as  solicitors  to  the  administratrix,  to  state  that  all 
such  rumours  as  have  hitherto  been  published  are  with- 
out authority  and  inaccurate.  Unavoidable  circumstances 
have  occasioned  some  delay  in  the  publication  of  the 
will,  but  letters  of  administration  cum  tcstamento  annexo 
have  now  been  applied  for  ;  and  in  order  to  avoid 
the  possibility  of  further  misrepresentations,  we  are 
authorised  to  transmit  to  you  a  copy  of  the  will  for 
publication. 

'  The  estate  has  been  sworn  under   120,000/.,  but  it 
is    right   to    state    that    this    sum    is  subject    to    claims 
which  will  reduce  the  amount  actually  received  by  the 
administratrix  to  about  one-half  of  the  sum  named. 
'  Your  obedient  servants, 
'(Signed)  Markby,  Tarry,  and  Stewart. 

'  57  Coleman  Street,  E.C.,  April  29,  1873.' 

Among  the  papers  found  in  the  Tuileries  after  the 
fall  of  the  Second  Empire,  there  was  discovered  a  docu- 
ment which  was  a  bank  statement  from  the  House   of 


THE    ENDING    OF   THE    CAREER      345 


Baring  Brothers  of  London,  with  whom  Napoleon  III. 
had  an  account.  According  to  this  statement  it 
appeared  that  the  Emperor  in  1866  possessed  150,000/. 
in  Russian  stocks  ;  100,000/.  Turks  ;  132,000/.  Peruvians 
new  and  old  ;  50,000/.  Canadians  ;  50,000/.  Brazilians  ; 
50,000/.  Egyptians ;  100,000/.  Americans ;  25,000/ 
Mississippis ;  Diamonds,  200,000/  ;  and  other  items 
amounting  to  75,000/  ;  in  all,  882,000/ 

This  '  statement,'  no  doubt,  may  be  spurious  ;  yet  it 
does  not  appear  that  anyone  should  have  been  interested 
in  regarding  it  as  such.  Assuming  it  to  be  genuine,  with 
his  Civil  List  on  a  great  scale  unimpaired  Napoleon  could 
have  had  no  motive  in  dissipating  this  huge  total  of  assets. 
Between  nearly  a  million  sterling,  and  the  modest  60,000/. 
specified  by  the  solicitors  of  the  Empress  as  the  estate 
of  the  deceased  Emperor  after  the  liquidation  of  the 
claims  upon  it,  there  is  a  great  gulf  fixed. 

The  foreboding  and  pathetic  will  of  the  poor  young 
Prince  Imperial,  written  on  the  night  before  his  departure 
for  Africa  there  to  meet  his  sad  and  premature  death,  is 
as  follows  : 

'  This  is  my  Testament. 

'  1.  I  die  in  the  Catholic  Apostolic  and  Roman 
religion,  in  which  I  was  born. 

'2.  I  desire  that  my  body  may  be  laid  near  that  of 
my  father  until  the  time  when  both  may  be  transferred  to 
the  spot  where  the  founder  of  our  House  reposes  among 
the  French  people,  whom  we,  like  him,  dearly  loved. 

'  3.  My  latest  thought  will  be  for  my  country,  for 
which  I  should  wish  to  die. 

'  4.   I  hope  that  my  mother,  when  I  shall  be  no  more, 


346  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

will  maintain  for  me  that  affectionate  remembrance 
which  I  shall  cherish  for  her  to  the  last  moment  of 
my  life. 

'  5.  Let  my  private  friends,  my  servants,  and  the 
partisans  of  the  cause  which  I  represent,  be  assured  that 
my  gratitude  to  them  will  cease  only  with  my  life. 

'  6.  I  shall  die  with  a  sentiment  of  profound  gratitude 
towards  the  Queen  of  England,  the  entire  Royal  Family, 
and  the  country  in  which  during  eight  years  I  have 
received  such  cordial  hospitality.  I  constitute  my  mother 
my  universal  legatee,  subject  to  the  payment  of  the 
following  legacies  : 

'  I  bequeath  20,000  francs  to  my  cousin,  Prince  I.  N. 
Murat.  I  bequeath  100,000  francs  to  M.  F.  Pietri,  in 
recognition  of  his  good  services.  I  bequeath  100,000 
francs  to  M.  le  Baron  Corvisart,  in  recognition  of  his 
devotion.  I  bequeath  100,000  francs  to  Mdlle.  de  Lar- 
minat,  who  has  always  shown  herself  so  much  attached 
to  my  mother.  I  bequeath  100,000  francs  to  M.  A.  Filon, 
my  tutor;  100,000  francs  to  M.  L.  N.  Conneau,  100,000 
francs  to  M.  N.  Espinasse,  100,000  francs  to  Capt.  A. 
Bigot — three  of  my  oldest  friends.  I  desire  that  my  dear 
mother  should  constitute  an  annuity  of  10,000  francs  for 
Prince  Lucien  Buonaparte  ;  an  annuity  of  50,000  francs 
for  M.  Bachon,  my  former  equerry,  and  of  2,500  francs 
each  to  Madame  Thierry  and  to  Uhlman.  I  desire  that 
all  my  other  servants  shall  never  be  deprived  of  their 
salaries.  I  desire  to  leave  to  Prince  N.  Charles  Buona- 
parte, to  the  Duke  of  Bassano,  and  to  M.  Rouher,  three 
of  the  most  beautiful  souvenirs  that  my  testamentary 
executors  may  select.  I  desire  also  to  leave  to  General 
Simmonds,  to   M.   Strode,  and  to  Mqr.    Goddard  three 


THE    ENDING   OF   THE    CAREER      347 

souvenirs  which   my  testamentary  executors  may  select 

from  the   valuables  which  belong  to  me.      I  bequeath  to 

M.  Pietri  my  pin  surmounted   by  a  stone  (cat's-eye) ;  to 

M.    Corvisart   my  pin  with    the    rose    pearl  ;  to   Mdlle. 

Larminat  a  medallion    containing   the    portraits    of   my 

father  and    mother ;    to    Madame    le    Breton  my  watch 

in  enamel  mounted  with  my  monogram    in    diamonds  ; 

to  MM.   Conneau,   Espinasse,   Bizot,   I.    N.    Murat,    A. 

Henri,    P.    de    Bourgogne,    S.   Corvisart    my  arms  and 

uniforms,  except  those  I    may  last   have  worn,  which   I 

leave  to  my  mother.      I   leave  to   M.  d'Entroujues  a  pin 

surmounted  with  a  fine  pearl,  round  in  shape,  which  was 

given    me  by    the  Empress.      I   beg  my  mother  to  be 

good  enough  to    distribute  to  the  persons   who  during 

my  life  have  shown  attachment  to  me  the  trinkets  or  less 

valuable  objects  which  may  recall  me  to  their  recollection. 

I  bequeath  to   the  Comtesse   Clary  my  pin   surmounted 

by  a  beautiful   fine  pearl,  and  to  the  Duke  of  Huescar, 

my  cousin,  my  Spanish  swords. 

1  Napoleon. 
'  All  written  by  my  own  hand. 

'  I   need   not  recommend   my  mother  to  defend  the 

memory  of  my  great-uncle   and   father.      I   beg    her    to 

remember    that    so    long    as    a     Buonaparte    lives,    the 

Imperial  cause  will  be  represented.     The  duties  of  our 

House  towards  the  country  will  not  be  extinct  with  my 

life.     When  I  die,  the  work  of  Napoleon  III.  will  fall  to 

he  eldest  son  of  Prince  Napoleon  (Prince  Victor),  and 

I  hope  my  beloved  mother,  in  supporting  him  with  all 

her  power,  will  give  to  us  who  shall  be  no  more  this  last 

and  crowning  proof  of  affection. 

1  NArOLEON. 
'At  Chislehurst  :  Feb.  26,  1S79.' 


348  LIFE    OF    NAPOLEON    III 

The  following  letter,  addressed  to  the  newspapers 
of  the  day  by  the  private  secretary  of  the  Emperor 
Napoleon  in  reply  to  some  of  the  calumnies  published 
against  his  Majesty,  may  be  read  with  interest  : — 

'  Wilhelmshohe,  Sept.  15,  1870. 

'  Sir, — Since  the  occurrence  of  the  recent  sad  events 
in  France,  the  Emperor  Napoleon  has  been  the  object  of 
the  most  violent  attacks  and  of  calumnies  of  all  kinds, 
which  he  will  doubtless  only  treat  with  contempt ;  but  if  it 
is  right  in  him  to  remain  silent  under  such  circumstances, 
it  is  impossible  that  those  persons  who  are  attached  to 
him  should  permit  the  daily  publication  of  these  reports 
in  French  and  other  foreign  newspapers  to  pass  without 
contradiction.  Among  the  most  odious  of  them  it  is 
necessary  to  point  out  one  in  an  English  journal  which 
has  not  hesitated  to  rank  among  the  causes  of  the  war 
an  embarrassment  of  the  Civil  List,  and  the  necessity 
resulting  therefrom  of  borrowing  yearly  fifty  millions 
from  the  Budget  of  the  Minister  of  War — loans  all  traces 
of  which  were  made  to  disappear  by  merging  them  in  the 
expenses  of  a  great  war.  So  absurd  an  imputation 
convicts  the  writer  either  of  an  ignorance  the  most 
profound  as  to  the  laws  which  in  France  regulate  the 
finances  of  the  State,  or  of  extraordinary  bad  faith. 
Malversations  are  hardly  possible  in  France,  for  the 
auditing  of  the  Civil  List  involves  a  strict  examination, 
under  the  supervision  of  the  Legislative  Body  and  the 
Court  of  Accounts. 

1  Another  journal  asserts  that  it  is  known  to  all  the 
world  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  has  invested  in 
Amsterdam  a  sum  of  ten  millions  in  Dutch  railway 
shares.     I  positively  contradict  the  assertion  ;  and,  what 


THE    ENDING   OF   THE    CAREER      349 

is  more,  I  affirm  that  the  Emperor  Napoleon  has  not  a 
centime  invested  in  foreign  funds. 

'  A  German  journal  has  represented  the  state  of  the 
Emperor  in  quite  another  light,  for  it  alleges  that  so 
destitute  was  he  of  resources  that  the  Prussian  staff  at 
Sedan  had  to  advance  him  2,000  thalers.  This  story, 
like  the  rest,  is  totally  unfounded. 

'  I  have  limited  myself  to  pointing  to  these  assertions, 
so  entirely  contrary  to  the  truth,  not  in  the  hope  of 
putting  an  end  to  attacks  upon  a  Sovereign  who,  under 
the  misfortunes  which  have  befallen  him,  ought  to  be 
safe  from  attack,  but  in  order  that  all  may  know  how 
very  slender  their  foundations  are,  and  to  how  small  an 
amount  of  faith  they  are  entitled. 

'  I  trust,  sir,  that  you  will  give  this  letter  insertion  in 
your  journal,  and  in  thanking  you  by  anticipation  I  beg 
you  to  receive  the  assurance,  &c. 

'  G.  Pietri, 
'  Private  Secretary  to  the  Einperor  Napoleon' 


THE    END 


I     :\TI  1)    BY 
SI'OTTISWOODE    AND    CO.,     Nk       5TRBS1      it, 
LONDON 


CHATTO    <fc    WINDUS'S 

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John  Ford  ;  &  His  Helpmate. 
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World  went  very  well  then. 
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Annan  Water. 

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Love  Me  for  Ever. 

Matt :  a  Story  of  a  Caravan. 

Foxglove  Manor. 

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Armadale. 

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A  Rogue's  Life.        Antonina. 
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Queen  of  Hearts. 
My  Miscellanies. 
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BY  WILLIAM  JAMESON, 

My  Dead  Self. 

BY  HARRIETT  JAY. 

The  Dark  Colleen. 

The  Quesn  of  Connaught. 

BY  MARK  KERSHAW. 

Colonial  Facts  and  Fictions. 


London:   CHATTO  %   WINDUS,  111  St.  Martin's  Lane,  W.C. 


TWO-SHILLING  POPULAR  NOVELS. 


8 


BY  R.  ASHE  KING. 
A  Drawn  Game. 
•The  Wearing  of  the  Green.' 
Passion's  Slave. 
Bell  Barry. 

BY  EDMOND  LEPELLETIER. 

Madame  Sar^-U&ne. 

BY  JOHN  LEYS. 
The  Lindsays. 

BY  E.  LYNN  LINTON. 

Patricia  Kemball. 

Atonement  of  Leam  Dundas. 

The  World  Well  Lost. 

Under  which  Lord  ? 

With  a  Silken  Thread. 

The  Rebel  of  the  Family. 

'  My  Love  1 ' 

lone. 

Paston  Carew. 

Sowing  the  Wind. 

The  One  Too  Many. 

BY  HENRY  W.  LUCY. 
Gideon  Fleyce. 

BY  JUSTIN  MCCARTHY. 
Dear  Lady  Disdain. 
The  Waterdale  Neighbours. 
My  Enemy's  Daughter. 
A  Fair  Saxon. 
Linley  Rochford. 
Miss  Misanthrope. 
Donna  Quixote. 
The  Oomet  of  a  Season. 
Maid  of  Athens. 
Oamiola:  Girl  with  a  Fortune. 
The  Dictator. 
Red  Diamonds. 

BY  HUGH  MacCOLl. 

Mr.  Stranger's  Sealed  Packet. 

BY  GEORGE  MACDONALD. 
Heather  and  fcnow. 

BY  MRS,  MACDONELL. 
Quaker  Cousins. 

BY  KATHARINE  S.  MACQUOID, 
The  Evil  Eye. 
Lost  Rose. 

BY  W.  H,  MALLOGK. 

The  New  Republic. 
Romanceof  the  19th  Century. 

BY  FLORENCE  MARRYAT.  ' 
Fighting  the  Air. 
Written  in  Fire. 
A  Harvest  of  Wild  Oats. 
Open!  Sesame! 

BY  J.  MASTERMAN. 
Half-a-dozen  Daughters. 

BY  BRANDER  MATTHEWS. 
A  Secret  of  the  Sea. 

BY  L,  T.  MEADE. 
A  Soldier  of  Fortune. 

BY  LEONARD  MERRICK. 
Trie  Man  who  was  Good. 

BY  JEAN  MIDDLEMASS. 
Touch  ai.d  Go. 
Mr.  Dorillion. 


BY  MRS.  MOLESWORTH, 

Hathe.  court  Rectory. 

BY  J,  E.  MUDDGCK, 

Stories  Weird  and  Wonderful. 
The  Dead  Man's  Secret. 
From  the  Bosom  of  the  Deep. 

BY  D.  CHRISTIE  MURRAY. 
A  Life's  Atonement. 
Joseph's  Coat. 
Val  Strange. 
A  Model  Father. 
Coals  of  Fire. 
Hearts. 

By  the  Gate  of  the  Sea. 
The  Way  of  the  World. 
A  Bit  of  Human  Nature. 
First  Person  Singular. 
Cynic  Fortune. 
Old  Blazer's  Hero. 
Bob  Martin's  Little  Girl. 
Time's  Revenges. 
A  Wasted  Crime. 
In  Direst  Peril. 
Mount  Despair. 
BY  D,  CHRISTIE  MURRAY  AND 

HENRY  HERMAN. 
One  Traveller  Returns. 
Paul  Jones's  Alias. 
The  Bishops'  Bible. 

BY  HENRY  MURRAY, 

A  Game  of  Bluff. 
A  Song  of  Sixpence. 

BY  HUME  NISBET. 

'Bail  Up!' 

Dr.  Bernard  St.  Vincent. 

BY  W,  E.  NORRIS. 

Saint  Ann's. 

BY  ALICE  O'HANLON, 

The  Unforeseen. 
Chance  ?  or  Fate  ? 

BY  GEORGES  OHNET, 
Doctor  Raiiiuau. 
A  Last  Love. 
A  Weird  Gift. 

BY  MRS.  OLIPHANT, 

Whiteladies. 

The  Primrose  Path. 

Greatest  Heiress  in  England. 

BY  MRS.  ROBERT  O'RtlLLY. 

Phoebe's  Fortunes. 

BY  OUIDA, 
Held  in  Bondage. 
Strathmore. 
Chandos. 
Under  Two  Flags. 
Idalia. 

Cecil  Castlemaine's  Gage. 
Tricotrin. 
Puck. 

Folle  Farine. 
A  Dog  of  Flanders. 
Pascarel. 
Signa. 

In  a  Winter  City. 
Ariadne. 
Moths. 
Friendship. 
Pipistrello.        


BY  OUIDA— continued 
Bimbi. 

In  Maremma. 
Wanda. 
Frescoes. 

Princess  Napraxine. 
Two  Little  Wooden  Shoes. 
A  Village  Commune 
Oth  mar. 
Guilderoy. 
Ruffino. 
Syrlin. 

Santa  Barbara. 
Two  Offenders. 
Wisdom,  Wit,  and  Pathos. 

BY  MARGARET  AGNES  PAUL. 

Gentle  and  Simple. 

BY  JAMES  PAYN. 

Lost  Sir  Massingberd. 

A  Perfect  Treasure. 

Bentinck's  Tutor. 

Murphy's  Master. 

A  County  Family 

At  Her  Mercy. 

A  Woman's  Vengeance. 

Cecil's  Tryst. 

The  Clyffards  of  Clyffe. 

The  Family  Scapegrace. 

The  Foster  Brothers. 

The  Best  of  Husbands. 

Found  Dead. 

Walter's  Word. 

Halves. 

Fallen  Fortunes. 

What  He  Cost  Her. 

Humorous  Stories. 

Gwendoline's  Harvest. 

Like  Father,  Like  ton. 

A  Marine  Residence. 

Married  Beneath  Him. 

Mirk  Abbey. 

Not  Wooed,  but  Won. 

£200  Reward. 

Less  Black  than  Painted. 

By  Proxy. 

High  Spirits. 

Under  One  Roof. 

Oarlyon's  Year. 

A  Confidential  Agent. 

Some  Private  Views. 

A  Grape  from  a  Thorn. 

From  Exile. 

Kit :  a  Memory. 

For  Cash  Only. 

The  Canon's  Ward. 

The  Talk  of  the  Town. 

Holiday  Tasks. 

Glow-worm  Tales. 

The  Mystery  of  Mirbridge. 

The  Burnt  Million. 

The  Word  and  the  Will. 

A  Prince  of  the  Blood. 

Sunny  Stories. 

A  Trying  Patient. 

'  BY  C.  L,  PIRKIS. 
Lady  Lovelace. 

BY  EDGAR  A.  POE, 

Tin1  Mystery  of  Marie  Roget 


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TWO-SHILLING  POPULAB  NOVELS. 


BY  MRS,  CAMPBELL  PRAED. 
The  Romance  of  a  Station. 
The  Soul  of  Countess  Adrian. 
Outlaw  and  Lawmaker. 
Christina  Chard. 

BY  E.  C.  PRICE. 

Valentina. 

Gerald. 

Mrs.  Lancaster's  Rival. 

The  Foreigners. 

BY  RICHARD  PRYCE. 

Miss  Maxwell's  Affections. 

BY  CHARLES  READE, 

It  is  Never  Too  Late  to  Mend. 

Hard  Cash. 

Peg  Woffington. 

Christie  Johnstone. 

Griffith  Gaunt. 

Put  Yourself  in  His  Place. 

The  Double  Marriage. 

LoveMe  Little,  LoveMe  Long. 

Foul  Play. 

The  Cloister  and  the  Hearth. 

The  Course  of  True  Love. 

The  Autobiography  of  a  Thief. 

A  Terrible  Temptation. 

The  Wandering  Heir. 

A  Simpleton. 

A  Worn  an -Hater. 

Singleheart  and  DoubJeface. 

Good  Stories  of  Man,  &c. 

The  Jilt. 

A  Perilous  Secret. 

Readiana. 

BY  MRS,  J.  H,  RIDDELL. 

Her  Mother's  Darling. 
The  Uninhabited  House. 
Weird  Stories. 
Fairy  Water. 

Prince  Wales's  Garden  Party. 
Mystery  in  Palace  Gardens. 
The  Nun's  Curse. 
Idle  Tales. 

BY  AME'LIE  RIVES. 

Barbara  Dering. 

BY  F,  W.  ROBINSON, 

Women  are  Strange. 
The  Hands  of  Justice. 

BY  JAMES  RUNCIMAN, 

Skippers  and  Shellbacks. 
Grace  Balmaign's  Sweetheart. 
Schools  and  Scholars. 

BY  DORA  RUSSELL, 

A  Country  Sweetheart. 

BY  W,  CLARK  RUSSELL, 

Round  the  Galley  Fire. 
On  the  Fo'k'sle  Head. 
In  the  Middle  Watch. 
A  Voyage  to  the  Cape. 
A  Book  for  the  Hammock. 
Mystery  of  the  '  Ocean  Star.' 
Romance  of  Jenny  Harlowe. 
An  Ocean  Tragedy. 
My  Shipmate  Louise. 
Alone  on  a  Wide  Wide  Sea. 
The  Phantom  Death. 
The  Good  Ship  '  Mohock.' 


BY  ALAN  ST.  AUBYN. 

A  Fellow  of  Trinity. 

The  Junior  Dean. 

The  Master  of  St.  Benedict's 

To  his  Own  Master. 

Orchard  Damerel. 

In  the  Face  of  the  World. 

BY  GEORGE  AUGUSTUS  SALA. 

Gaslight  and  Daylight. 

BY  JOHN  SAUNDERS. 
Guy  Waterman. 
The  Lion  in  the  Path. 
The  Two  Dreamers. 

BY  KATHARINE  SAUNDERS, 
Joan  Merrv  weather. 
The  High  Mills. 
Margaret  ami  Elizabeth. 
Sebastian. 
Heart  Salvage. 

BY  GE0R6E  R.  SIMS, 

The  Ring  o'  Bells. 
Mary  Jane's  Memoirs. 
Mary  Jane  Married. 
Tales  of  To-day. 
Dramas  of  Life. 
Tinkletop's  Crime. 
Zeph :  a  Circus  Story. 
My  Two  Wives. 
Memoirs  of  a  Landlady. 
Scenes  from  the  Show. 
The  Ten  Commandments. 
Dagonet  Abroad. 

BY  ARTHUR  SKETCHLEY. 

A  Match  in  the  Dark. 

BY  HAWLEY  SMART. 

Without  Love  or  Licence. 
The  Plunger. 
Beatrice  and  VSenediok. 

BY  T.  W.  SPEIGHT. 

The  Mysteries  of  Heron  Dyke. 

The  Golden  Hoop. 

By  Devious  Ways. 

Hoodwinked. 

Back  to  Life. 

The  Loudwater  Tragedy. 

Bnrgo's  Romance. 

Quittance  in  Full. 

A  Husband  from  the  Sea. 

BY  R.  A,  STERNDALE, 

The  Afghan  Knife. 

BY  R.  LOUIS  STEVENSON, 

New  Arabian  Nights. 

BY  BERTHA  THOMAS, 

Proud  Maisie. 
The  Violin-player. 
Cressida. 

BY  WALTER  THORNBURY. 
Tales  for  the  Marines. 
Old  Stories  Re-told. 

BY  ANTHONY  TROLLOPE. 

The  Way  We  Live  Now. 
Mr.  Scarborough's  Family. 
The  Golden  Lion  of  Granpere, 
The  American  Senator. 
Frau  Frohmann. 
Marion  Fay. 
Kept  in  the  Dark. 
The  Land-Leaguers. 
John  Caldigate. 


BY  FRANCES  E,  TROLLOPE. 

Anne  Furness. 

Mabel's  Progress. 

Like  Ships  upon  the  Sea. 

BY  T.  ADOLPHUS  TROLLOPE. 

Diamond  Cut  Diamond. 

BY  J,  T,  TROWBRIDGE. 

Farnell's  Folly. 

BY  IVAN  TURGENIEFF,  Ac. 

-  tories  from  Foreign  Novels 

BY  MARK  TWAIN, 

Tom  Sawyer. 

A  Tramp  Abroad. 

The  Stolen  White  Elephant. 

Pleasure  Trip  on  Continent 

The  Gilded  Age. 

Huckleberry  Finn. 

Life  on  the  Mississippi. 

The  Prince  and  the  Pauper. 

Mark  Twain's  Sketches. 

A  Yankee   at   the  Court  of 

King  Arthur. 
The  £1,000,000  Bank-note. 

BY  SARAH  TYTLER. 

Noblesse  Oblige. 
Citoyenne  Jacqueline. 
The  Huguenot  Family. 
What  She  Came  Through. 
Beauty  and  the  Beast. 
The  Bride's  Pass. 
Saint  Muiigo's  City. 
Disappeared. 
Lady  Bell. 
Buried  Diamonds. 
The  Blackhall  Ghosts. 

BY  C.  C.  FRASER-TYTLER. 

Mistress  Judith. 

BY  ALLEN  UPWARD. 

The  Queen  against  Owen. 
The  Prince  of  Balkistan. 

BY  ARTEMUS  WARD. 

Artemus  Ward  Complete. 

BY   AARON  WATSON  AND 

LILLIAS  WASSERMANN. 

The  Marquis  of  Carabas. 

BY  WILLIAM  WESTALL. 

Trust-Money. 

BY  MRS,  F.  H.  WILLIAMSON. 

A  Child  Widow. 

BY  J.  S,  WINTER. 

Cavalry  Life. 
Regimental  Legends. 

BY  H,  F.  WOOD. 

Passenger  from  Scotland  Yard 
Englishman  of  the  Rue  Cain. 

BY  LADY  WOOD, 
Sabina. 

BY  CELIA  PARKER  WOOLLEY. 

Rachel  Armstrong. 

BY  EDMUND  YATES. 

Castaway. 

The  Forlorn  Hope. 

Land  at  Last. 


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[Sept.  1897, 


LIST  OF  BOOKS  PUBLISHED  BY 

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The  Downfall.    Translated  by  E.  A.  VIZETELLY. 

The  Dream.    Translated  by  Eliza  Chase.    With  Eight  Illustrations  by  JeannioT. 

Doctor  Pascal.    Translated  by  E.  A.  VIZETELLY.    With  Portrait  of  the  Autiior. 

Lourdes.    Translated  by  ERNEST  A.  VIZETELLY. 

Rome.    Translated  by  ERNEST  A.  VIZETELLY. 

Paris.    Translated  by  ERNEST  A.  VIZETELLY. [In  preparation. 

SOME   B00K5   CLASSIFIED   IN   SERIES. 

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The  Mayfair  Library.     post 

A  Journey  Kound  My  Room.  By  X.  de  Maistre. 

Translated  by  Sir  HENRY  ATTWELL 
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The  Agony  Column  of  'The  Times.' 
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The  Cupboard  Papers.    By  Fin-Bec. 
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The  Autocrat  of  the  Breakfast-Table.  By  Oliver 

Wendell  Holmes. 
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Little  Essays:  from  LAMB'S  LETTERS. 
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Pastimes  and  Players.    By  R.  MACGREGOR. 
New  Paul  and  Virginia.    By  W.  H.  Mallock. 
The  New  Republic.     By  W.  H.  MALLOCK. 
Puck  on  Pegasus.    By  H.  C.  Pennell. 
Pegasus  Re-saddled.    By  H.  C.  Pennell. 
Muses  of  Mayfair.    Edited  by  H.  C  Pennell, 
Thoreau :  His  Life  and  Aims.     By  H.  A.  PAGE. 
Puniana.    By  Hon.  HUGH  Rowley. 
More  Puniana.    By  Hon.  HUGH  Rowley. 
The  Philosophy  of  Handwriting. 
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The  Poetical  Works  of  Alexander  Pope. 
Scenes  of  Country  Life.    By  Edward  Iesse. 
Tale  for  a  Chimney  Corner.    By  Leigh  Hunt. 


The    Autocrat    of    the    Breakfast    Table.      By 

Oliver  Wendell  Holmes. 
La  Mort  d'Arthur  :    Selections  from  MALLORY. 
Provincial  Letters  of  Blaise  Pascal. 
Maxims  and  Reflections  of  Rochefoucauld 


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Seven  Sleepers  of  Ephesus.     M.  E.  COLERIDGE. 
Taken  from  the  Enemy.    By  H.  Newbqlt. 


A  Lost  Soul.     By  W.  L.  ALDEN. 
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By  W.  S.  LANDOR.                                                               Peg  Woffington.     By  CHARLES  READE. 
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Robinson  Crusoe.  Illustrated  by  G.  CRUIKSHANK.  Gulliver's  Travels.  &c.     By  Dean  Swift. 

Whims  and  Oddities.     By  THOMAS  Hoou.  Plays  by  RICHARD  BRINSLEY  SHERIDAN. 

The  Barber's  Chair.    By  Douglas  Jerrold.  Anecdotes  of  the  Clergy.     By  Jacob  Larwood. 

Gastronomy.     By  BRILLAT-SAVARIN.  Thomson's  Seasons.     Illustrated. 

The  Epicurean,  &c.    By  Thomas  Moore.  Autocratof  the  Breakfast  Table  and  The  Professor 

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27 


THE   PICCADILLY    NOVELS. 


Librarv  Editions  of  Novels, many  Illust 

By  A1rs.  ALEXANDER. 

A  Life  Interest  |  Monas  Choice    Bv  Woman'3  Wit 

By  F.  M.  ALLEN. 
Green  as  Grass 

By  GRANT   ALLEN 


The  Great  Taboo. 
Dumaresq  s  Daughter. 
Duches?  of  Powyslaud. 
Blood  Koyal. 
Ivan    Greets    Master- 
piece 
The  Scallywag 
At  Market  Value 
Under  a-ated  Orders. 


Fhlltstla 

Strange  Stories. 

Babylon 

For  Maimle  s  Sake, 

In  all  Shades 

The  Beckoning  Hand 

The  Devils  Die. 

This  Mortal  Coll 

1    -  Tents  of  Shem. 

By  A1ARY   ANDERSON. 
Othello's  Occupation. 

By  EDWIN   L.  ARNOLD. 
Phra  tlje  Phoenician.    I  Constable  of  St.  Nicholas. 

By  ROBERT   BARR. 
In  a  Steamer  Chair.         ,  A  Woman  Intervenes. 
From  Whose  Bourne.       |  Revenge  1 

By  FRANK   BARRETT. 
The  Woman  of  the  Iron  Brace, ets. 
The  Harding  Scandal.       |      A  Kissing  Witness. 

By    'BELLE.' 
Vashti  and  Esther. 

By  SirVV.  BESANT  and  J.  RICE. 
Ready  Money Mortiboy. ;  By  Celia  s  Arbour, 


My  Little  Girl. 
With  Harp  and  Crown 
This  Son  of  Vulcan. 
The  Golden  Eutterfl7. 
The  Monks  of  Theleroa 


Chaplain   of  the  Fleet. 
The  Seamy  Side. 
The  Case  of  Mr.  Lucraft. 
In  Trafalgar  s  Bay. 
The  Ten  Years  Tenant. 
By  Sir  WALTER   BESANT. 
Sorts    and    Condi- ,   The  Bell  of  St.  Paul's. 
The  Holy  Rose. 
Armorel  of  Lyone3se 
S  Katherine  s  by  Tower 
Verbena  Camellia  Ste- 

phanotis. 
The  Ivory  Gate. 
The  Rebel  Queen. 
Beyond    the  Dreams  of 

Avarice. 
The  Master  Craftsman. 
The  City  of  Refuge. 


All 

tions  of  Men. 
The  Captains  Room. 
All  in  a  Garden  Fair. 
Dorothy  Forster. 
Uncle  Jack. 
The  World  Went  Very 

Well  Then 
Children  of  Gibeon. 
Herr  Paulus 
For  Faith  and  Freedom. 
To  Call  Her  Mine. 
The  Revolt  of  Man. 

By  PAUL   BOURGET. 
A  Living  Lie. 

By   ROBERT  BUCHANAN 


The  New  Abelard. 
Matt.   I    Rachel  Dene. 
Master  of  the  Mine. 
The  Heir  01  Linne 
Woman  anu  the  Man. 
Red  and  White  Heather. 
Lady  Kllpatrlck. 
&  MY.  MURRAY. 


Shadow  of  the  Sword. 
A  Child  of  Nature. 
God  and  the  Man 
Martyrdom  of  Madeline 
Love  Me  for  Ever. 
Annan  Water. 
Foxglove  Manor. 
ROB.   BUCHANAN 
The  Charlatan 

By  J.  MITCHELL  CHAPPLE. 
The  Minor  Chord. 

By    HALL  CAINE. 
The  Shadow  of  a  Crime   |  The  Deemster. 
A  Son  of  Hagar. 

By  ANNE   COATES. 
Rie's  Diarv. 

By  MACLAREN  COBBAN. 
The  Red  Sultan.  1  The  Burden  of  Isabel. 

By  WILKIE   COLLINS. 
Armadale.  |  AfterDark.  1  The  Two  Destinies. 


No  Name.    |  Antomna 
Basil.    I  Hide  and  Seek. 
The  Dead  Secret. 
Queen  of  Hearts. 
My  Miscellanies. 
The  Woman  in  White. 
The  Moonstone. 
Man  and  Wife. 
Poor  Miss  Finch. 
Miss  or  Mrs.  7 
The  New  Magdalen 
The  Frozen  Deep. 


The  Law  and  the  Lady. 
The  Haunted  Hotel. 
The  Fallen  Leaves. 
Jezebel  s  Daughter. 
The  Black  Robe. 
Heart  and  Science. 
'  I  Say  No.' 
Little  Novels. 
The  Evil  Genius. 
The  Legacy  of  Cain. 
A  Rocue's  Life. 
Blind  Love. 


rated,  crown  8vo,  cloth  extra,  3s.  6d.  each. 

By  MORT.  &  FRANCES  COLLINS. 

Transmigration.  1  From  Midnight  to  Mld- 

Blacksmith  <fc  Scholar.  night. 

The  Village  Comedy.        |  You  Play  me  False. 

By  E.   H.  COOPER. 

Geoffory  Hamilton. 

By  V.  CECIL  COTES. 

Two  Girls  ou  a  Llarge. 

By  C.   EGBERT  CRADDOCK. 

His  Vanished  Star. 

By  H.   N.  CRELLIN. 

Romances  of  the  Old  Seraglio. 

By  MATT  CR«M. 

The  Adventures  of  a  Fair  Kecel. 

By  S.  R.  CROCKETT  and  others. 

Tales  oi  Our  Coast. 


CROKER. 

I  The  Real  Lady  Hilda. 
Married  or  Single  7 
Two  Masters. 
In  theKingdom  of  Kerry 
Interference. 
A  Third  Person, 


By  B.  M. 

Diana  Bamngton. 
Proper  Pride. 
A  Family  Likeness. 
Pretty  Miss  Neville. 
A  Bad  of  Passage. 
•To  Let.      I  Mr.  Jervis. 
Village  Tales  oi  Jungle 
Tragedies. 

By  WILLIAM  CYPLES. 

Hearts  oi  Gold. 

By  ALPHONSE   DAUDET. 

The  Evangelist  ;  or,  Port  Salvation. 

By  H.  COLEMAN   DAVIDSON. 

Mr.  Sad  er  s  Daughters. 

By  ERASMUS   DAWSON. 

The  Fountain  of  Youth. 

By  JAMES  DE  MILLE. 

A  Castle  in  Spain. 

By.  J.  LEITH   DERWENT. 

Our  Lady  of  Tears.  |  Circe's  Lovers. 

By  DICK   DONOVAN. 
Tracked  to  Doom.  |  The  Mystery  of  Jamaica 

Maa  from  Manchester.  |      Terrace. 
The  Chronicles  of  Michael  Danevitch. 

By  RICHARD  DOWLING. 
Old  Corcoran  s  Money. 

By  A.  CONAN   DOYLE. 
The  Firm  of  Gndiestone. 

By   S.   JEANNETTE    DUNCAN. 
A  Daughter  of  To  day   |   Vernons  Aunt. 
By  G.  MANVILLE   FENN. 
The  New  Mistress.  I  The  Tiger  Lily. 

Witness  to  the  Deed.       |  The  White  Virgin. 
By  PERCY   FITZGERALD. 

Fatal  Zero. 

By  R.  E.  FRANCILLON. 


Rop»s  of  Sand. 

Jack  Doyle  s  Daughter. 


One  by  One. 

A  Dog  and  his  Shadow. 

A  Real  Queen. 

Prefaced  by  Sir  BARTLE   FRERE. 

Pandurang  B 

BY   EDWARD  GARRETT. 

The  Capel  Girls. 

By   PAUL  GAULOT. 

The  Red  Shu U. 

By   CHARLES  GIBBON. 

Robin  Gray.  ,  Of  High  Degree. 

Loving  a  Dream.  I  The  Uolden  Shaft. 

By   E.    GLANVILLE. 

I  The  Golden  Rock. 
Talcs  from  the  Veldt 


The  Lost  Heiress 
A  Fair  Coli 

The  Fossu 

By   E. 

The  Fate  of  Herbert  Wayne 
By  Rev.  S.   BARING 

Red  Spid  I  Eve. 

By   CECIL  GRIFFITH 

Corinlhia  Maration. 


GOODMAN. 

GOULD 


28 


CHATTO  &  W1NDUS,   in  St.  Martin's  Lane,   London,  W.C. 


The  Piccadilly  (3/6)  Novels— continued. 
_  By  SYDNEY  GRUNDY. 

The  Days  of  his  Vanity. 

By  OWEN   HALL. 
The  Track  of  a  Storm.    |  Jetsam. 

By  THOMAS   HARDY. 
Under  the  Greenwood  Tree. 

By  BRET  HARTE. 
A  Waif  of  the  Plains. 
A  Ward  of  the  Golden 
Gate.  [Springs. 

A  Sappho  of  Green 
Co!.  Starbottle's  Client. 
Susy.  I  Sally  Dows. 
Bell-Ringer  of  Angel's, 

By  JULIAN 
Garth. 

Ellice  Quentin. 
Sebastian  Strome. 
Dust. 
Fortune's  Fool. 

By  Sir  A. 
Ivan  de  Biron. 

By  I.  HENDERSON. 
Agatha  Page. 

By  G.  A.  HENTY. 
Rujub  the  Juggler.  I  The  Queen  s  Cup 

Dorothy's  Double. 

By  JOHN   HILL. 

The  Common  Ancestor. 

By  Airs.  HUNGERFORD. 


A    Protegee    of    Jack 

Hamlin  s. 
Clarence. 
Barker's  Luck. 
Devil's  Ford,      [celsior.' 
The  Crusade  of  the  '  Ex- 
Three  Partners. 
HAWTHORNE. 
Beatrix  Randoh  h. 
David  Poindexter  s  Els- 
appearance. 
The    Spectre    of    the 
Camera. 
HELPS. 


Nora  Creina. 
An  Anxious  Moment. 
April's  Lady. 
Peter's  Wife. 


Lady  Verner's  Flight. 
The  Red-House  Mystery 
The  Three  Graces. 
Professor  s  Experiment. 
A  Point  of  Conscience. 

By  Mrs.  ALFRED  HUNT. 
The  Leaden  Casket.  |  Self-Condemned. 
That  Other  Person.         |  Mrs.  Juliet. 

By  C.  J.  CUTCLIFFE   HYNE. 
Honour  of  Thieves. 

By  R.  ASHE   KING. 
A  Drawn  Game. 

By  EDMOND  LEPELLETIER. 

Madame  Sans  G  ne. 

By  HARRY  LINDSAY. 

Rhoda  Roberts. 

By  HENRY  W.  LUCY. 
Gideon  Flevce. 

By  E.  LYNN  LINTON 


The  Atonement  of  Learn 

Dur.das. 
The  World  Well  Lost. 
The  One  Too  Many. 
Dulcie  Evertou. 


Patricia  Kemball 
Under  which  Lord? 
'  My  Love  I '     |    lone 
Paston  Carew. 
Sowing  the  Wind. 

By  justsn  McCarthy 

A  Fair  Saxon.  Donna  Quixote 

Linley  Rochford. 

Dear  Lady  Disdain. 

Camiola. 

Waterdale  Neighbours 

My  Enemy's  Daughter. 

Miss  Misanthrope. 


Maid  of  Athens. 
The  Co.net  of  a  Season. 
The  Dictator. 
Red  Diamonds. 
The  Riddle  Eiag. 
The  Three  Disgraces. 
By  JUSTIN  H.  McCARTHY. 
A  London  Legend.  |  The  Royal  Christopher. 

By  GEORGE  MACDONALD. 
Heather  and  Snow.  |  Phantastes. 

By  L.  T.  MEADE. 
A  Soldier  of  Fortune.     I  The     Voice     of     th« 
In  an  Iron  Grip.  Charmer. 

By  L.  T.  MEADE  and  CLIFFORD 
HALIFAX,  M.D. 
Dr.  Rumsey's  Patient. 

By  LEONARD  MERRICK. 
This  Stage  of  Fools.       |  Cynthia. 

By  BERTRAM  MITFORB. 


The  Gun-Runner. 
The    Luck    of   Gerard 
Ridgeley. 

By  J.  E.  MUDDOCK. 

Maid  Marian  and  Robin  Hood. 

Basile  the  Jester.  |  Young  Lochinvar, 


The  Kings  Assegai. 
Renshaw  Fanmug's 

Quest. 


By   D.  CHRISTIE  MURRAY. 


Cynic  Fortune. 
The  Way  of  the  World. 
BobMartin's  Little  GirL 
Time's  Revenges. 
A  Wasted  Crime. 
In  Direst  Peril. 
Mount  Despair. 
A  Capful  0  Nails. 
Ta'.es  and  Poems. 


A  Life's  Atonement, 

Joseph's  Coat. 

Coals  of  Fire. 

Old  Blazer's  Hero. 

Val  Strange.   |   Hearts. 

A  Model  Father. 

By  the  Gate  of  the  Sea. 

A  Bit  ot  Human  Nature. 

First  Person  Singular. 

By   MURRAY  and   HERMAN 

The  Bishops  Bible.  1  Paul  Jones  s  Alias 

One  Traveller  Returns.  | 

By  HUME   NISBET. 

'Bail  Up  1' 

By  W.  E.  NORRIS. 

Saint  Ann's.  |  Billy  Bellew. 

By  G.  OHNET. 

A  Weird  Gift. 


By  Mrs. 

The  Sorceiess. 

By 

Held  in  Bondage. 

Strathmore. 

Chandos. 

Under  Two  Flags. 

Idalia.  [Gage. 

Cecil      Castlemaine  s 

Tricotrin.      |    Puck. 

Folie  Farine 

A  Dog  of  Flanders. 

Pascarel.      |    Signa. 

Princess  Napraxine. 

Ariadne. 


OLIPHANT. 


OUIDA. 

Two      Little     Wooden 

In  a  Winter  City.  .Shoes 

Friendship. 

Moths.       I    Ruffino. 

Pipistrello. 

A  Village  Commune. 

Bimbi.        |    Wanda. 

Frescoes.   |    Othmar. 

In  Maremma. 

Syrlin.        |  Guilderoy. 

Santa  Barbara. 

Two  Offenders. 

By  MARGARET  A.  PAUL. 

Gentle  and  Simple. 

By  JAMES  PAYN. 


Lost  Sir  Massingberd. 
Less  Black  than  We're 

Painted. 
A  Confidential  Agent. 
A  Grape  from  a  Thorn. 
In  Peril  and  Privation. 
The    Mystery   of   Mir- 
Bv  Proxy.  [bridge. 

The  Canon's  Ward. 
Walters  Word. 


High  Spirits. 
Under  One  Roof. 
Glow  worm  Tales. 
The  Talk  of  the  Town. 
Holiday  Tasks. 
For  Cash  Only. 
The  Burnt  Million. 
The  Word  and  the  WilL 
Sunny  Stories. 
A  Trying  Patient. 

By  WILL  PAYNE. 

Jerry  the  Dreamer. 

By  Mrs.  CAMPBELL  PRAED. 

Outlaw  and  Lawmaker,  j  Mrs.  Tregaskiss. 
Christina  Chard. 

By  E.  C.  PRICE. 

Valentina.  |  Foreigners.  |  Mrs.  Lancaster  s  Rival. 

By   RICHARD  PRYCE. 

Miss  Maxwell's  Affections. 

By  CHARLES  READE. 

Peg    WoHhigton  ;     and  ,  Love   Me   Little,  Love 


Christie  Johnstone. 

Ha;d  Cash. 

Cloister  &  the  Hearth. 

Never  Too  Late  to  Mend 

The  Course  of  True 
Love  Never  Did  Run 
Smooth  ;  and  Single- 
heart  andDoubleface. 

Autobiography  of  a 
Thief;  Jack  of  all 
Trades ;  A  Hero  and 
a  Martyr ;  and  The 
Wandering  Heir. 

Griffith  Gaunt. 


Me  Long. 
The  Double  Marriage. 
Foul  Play. 
Put     Yourself    in    His 

Place. 
A  Terrible  Temptation. 
A  Simpleton. 
A  Woman-Hater. 
The  Jilt.  &  others:  ories; 
&  Good  Stories  of  Man 
and  other  Animals. 
A  Perilous  Secret. 
Readiana ;     and    Bible 
Characters. 


By  Mrs.  J.  H.  RIDDELL. 

Weird  Stories. 

By  AMELIE   RIVES. 

Barbara  Dering. 

By   F.  W.   ROBINSON. 

The  Hands  of  Justice.    |  Woman  in  the  Dark. 

By   DORA   RUSSELL. 

A  Country  Sweetheart.  |  The  Drift  of  Fate. 


CHATTO  &  WINDUS.   ill  St.  Martin's  Lane,   London,   W.C. 


29 


The  Piccadilly  (3/6)  Novels— continued. 
By  VV.  CLARK   RUSSELL. 

Round  the  Galley  Fire    1   My  Shipmate  Iculse. 


Alone  onWideWide  Sea. 
The  Phantom  Death. 
Is  He  the  Man  7 
Good  Ship     Mohock.' 
The  Convict  Ship. 
Heart  of  Oak. 
The  Tale  of  the  Ten. 
I  The  Last  Entry. 


In  the  Middle  Watch 
On  the  Fok  sle  Head 
A  Voyage  to  the  Cape. 
Book  for  the  Hammock. 
Mvsteryof  Ocean  Star 
The  Romance  of  Jenny 

Harlowe. 
An  Ocean  Tragedy 

By  BAYLE   ST.  JOHN. 
A  Levantine  Family. 

By  JOHN   SAUNDERS. 
Guy  Waterman  |   The  Two  Dreamers. 

Dcund  to  the  Wheel.      |  The  Lion  in  the  Path. 
By    KATHARINE   SAUNDERS. 

stand  Elizabeth     Heart  Salvage. 
■  :i  s  Rock.  Sebastian. 

The  High  Mills 

By   ADELINE   SERGEANT. 
Dr   Endicott  s  Exreriment. 

By   HAWLEY   SMART. 
Without  Love  or  Licence     The  Outsider 
The  Master  of  Rathkelly.     Beatrice  <&  Benedick. 
Long  Odds.  A  Racing  Rubber. 

By  T.  \V.  SPEIGHT. 

I  The  Master  of  Trenance. 
I  A  Minion  of  the  Moon. 
ST.  AUBYN. 
In  Face  of  the  World. 


Orchard  Damerel. 

The  Tremlett  Diamond!. 


A  Secret  of  the  Sea. 
The  Grey  Monk. 

By  ALAN 
A  Fellow  of  Trinity. 
The  Junior  Dean. 
Master  of  St  Benedict's 
To  his  Own  Master. 

By  JOHN  STAFFORD. 
Doris  and  I. 

By  RICCARDO  STEPHENS. 
The  Cruciform  Mark 

By   R.  A.  STERNDALE. 
The  Afghan  Knife. 

By  R.  LOUIS  STEVENSON. 
The  Suicide  Club 

By   BERTHA  THOMAS. 
Proud  MaiBie.  I  The  Violin-Player. 

By  ANTHONY   TROLLOPE. 
The  Wav  we  Live  Now.  I   Scarborough's  Family. 
Frau  Frohmann.  I  The  Land  Leaguers 


By   FRANCES   E.  TROLLOPE 

Like    Ships    upon    the  I  Anne  Furness. 
Sea.  |  Mabel's  Progress. 

By   IVAN  TURGENIEFF,  &c. 

Stories  from  Foreign  Novelists. 

By  MARK  TWAIN. 


Mark    Twain  s     Choice 

Works. 
Mai  k    Twain  s  Library 

of  Humour. 
The  Innocents  Abroad. 
Roughing  It ;    and  The 

Innocents  at  Home. 
A  Tramp  Abroad. 
TheAmerlcan  Claimant. 
AdventuresTomSawyer 
Tom  Sawyer  Abroad 

By   C.    C. 

Mistress  Judith. 


Tom  Sawyer.  Detectiv*. 
Pudd'nhead  Wilson. 
The  Gilded  Age. 
Prince  and  the  Pauper. 
Life  on  the  Mississippi. 
The    Adventures    of 

Huckleberry  Finn. 
A  Yankee  at  the  Court 

of  King  Arthur. 
Stolen  White  Elephant. 
£1.000.0CO  Banknote. 

FRASER-TYTLER^ 


By  SARAH   TYTLER. 


The  Macdonald  Lass. 
The  Witch-Wife. 


Lady  Bell. 
Buried  Diamonds. 
The  Blackball  Ghosts. 

By   ALLEN    UPWARD. 

The  Queen  against  Owen  I  The  Prince  of  Balklstan. 

By  E.  A.  VIZETELLY. 

The  Scorpion  :  A  Romance  of  Spain. 

By  WILLIAM  WESTALL. 
Sons  of  Belial. 

By  ATHA   WESTBURY. 

The  Shadow  of  Hilton  Fernbrook. 

By  C.  J.  WILLS. 
An  Easy  golns  Fellow. 

By  JOHN  STRANGE  WINTER. 

Cavalry  Life  and  Regimental  Legends. 
A  Soldier's  Children. 

By   MARGARET  WYNMAN. 
My  Flirtations. 


By   E. 

The  Downfall. 

The   Dream. 

Dr.  Pascal. 

Money.       |      Lonrdes 

By 


ZOLA. 

The  Fat  and  the  Thin. 
His  Excellency. 
The  Dram-Shop. 
Rome.         |      Paris. 
Z.  Z.' 


A  Nineteenth  Century  Miracle. 


CHEAP   EDITIONS   OF 

Post  8vo,  illustrate 
By  ARTEMUS  WARD. 
Artemus  Ward  Complete. 

By   ED.MOND   ABOUT. 

The  Fellah. 

By   HAMILTON  AIDE. 

Carr  of  Carrlyon.  |  Confidences. 

By   MARY  ALBERT. 
Brooke  Finchlev  s  Daughter. 

By  Mrs.  ALEXANDER. 
Maid.  Wife  or  Widow?  |  Valerie  s  Fate. 
Blind  Fate. 

By  GRANT  ALLEN. 


The  Great  Taboo. 
Dumaresq's  Daughter. 
Duchess  of  Powysland. 
Blood  Royal.         [piece- 
Ivan    Greet's    Master. 
The  Scallywag. 
This  Mortal  Coil. 
At  Market  Value. 
y   E.   LESTER  ARNOLD. 
Phra  the  Phcenician. 

BY   FRANK   BARRETT. 


Phllistia 
Btrange  Stories. 
Babylon. 

For  Maimle's  Sake. 
In  all  Shades. 
The  Beckoning  Hand 
The  Devil's  Die. 
The  Tents  of  Shem. 
B 


Fettered  for  Life. 
Little  Lady  Linton. 
Between  Life  4  Death. 
The  Sin  of  Olga  Zassou- 

llch. 
FollyMorrison. 
Lieut  Barnabas. 
Honest  Davie. 


A  Prodigal's  Progress. 
Found  Guiltv. 
A  Recoilir.g  Vengennce 
For  Love  andH^nour. 
John    Ford ;    and    His 

Helpmate. 
The  Woman  or  the  Iron 

Bracelets. 


POPULAR   NOVELS. 

d  boards,  is.  each. 

By   SHELSLEY   BEAUCHAMP. 
Grantley  Grange. 
By  Sir  W.  BESANT  and  J.   RICE. 


Readv  Money  Mortlboy 
My  Little  Girl. 
With  Harp  and  Crown. 
This  Sou  of  Vulcan. 
The  Golden  Butterfly. 
The  Monks  of  Thelema. 


By  Celia  s  Arbour. 
Chaplain  of  the  Fleet 
The  Seamy  Side. 
The  Case  of  Mr.  Lucraft. 
In  Trafalgar's  Bay. 
The  Ten  Years'  Tenant. 


By   Sir  WALTER   BESANT. 


All    Sorts    and    Condi 

tions  of  Men. 
The  Captains    Room. 
All  in  a  Garden  Fair. 
Dorothy  Forstcr. 
Uncle  Jack. 
The  World  Went  Very 

Well  Then. 
Children  of  Gibeon. 
Herr  Paulus. 
For  Faith  and  Freedom. 

By   AM15ROSE    BIERCE. 
In  the  Midst  of  Life. 

By   FREDERICK   BOYLE. 

Camp  Notes.  I  Chronicles  of  No  manh 

Savage  L:fe.  Land. 

BY   BRET   HARTE. 

Callfornlan  Stories.         i  Flip.  I    Marnja. 

i  Conroy.  |  A  Phyllis  of  the  Sun  aa. 

The    Luck    of    Roaring     A  Waif  of  the  PUin 


To  Call  Her  Mine. 
The  Bell  of  St.  Pauls. 
The  Holy  Rose. 
Arroorel  of  Lyonesse. 
S.Katherlne's  by  Tower, 
Verbena  Camellia  Ste- 

phanotis. 
The  Ivory  Gate. 
The  Rebel  Queen. 
Beyond  the  Dreams  of 

Avarice. 


Camp. 
An  Heiress  of  Red  Dog. 


A  Ward  of  the  Golden 
Gate. 


30 


CHATTO  &  WINDUS.   m  St.  Martin's  Lane.   London,   W.c. 


Two-Shilling  Novels — continued. 
By   HAROLD   BRYDGES. 

Uncle  Sam  at  Home. 

By   ROBERT  BUCHANAN. 


Shadow  of  the  Sword. 
A  Child  of  Nature, 
i-od  and  the  Man. 
love  Me  for  Ever. 
Foxglove  Manor. 
The  Master  of  the  Mine. 
Annan  Water. 


The  Martyrdom  of  Ma- 
deline. 
The  New  Abelard. 
Matt. 

The  Heir  of  Linne. 
Woman  and  the  Man. 
Rachel  Dene. 


By  BUCHANAN  and  MURRAY. 

The  Charlatan. 

By  HALL  CAINE. 

The  Shadow  of  a  Crime.  I  The  Deemster. 
A  Son  of  Hagar. 

By  Commander  CAMERON. 

The  Cruise  of  the  'Black  Prince.' 

By  Mrs.  LOVETT  CAMERON. 

Deceivers  Ever.  |  Juliet's  Guardian. 

By  HAYDEN  CARRUTH. 

The  Adventures  of  Jones. 

By  AUSTIN  CLARE. 

For  the  Love  of  a  Lass. 

By  Airs    ARCHER  CLIVE. 

Fan!  Ferroll. 

Why  Paul  Ferroll  Killed  his  Wife. 

By  MACLAREN  COBBAN. 

The  Cure  of  Souls.  |    The  Red  Sultan. 

By  C.  ALLSTON  COLLINS. 

The  Bcir  Sinister. 

By  MORT.  &  FRANCES  COLLINS. 


Sweet  Anne  Page. 
Transmigration. 
From  Midnight  to  Mid 

night. 
A  Fight  with  Fortune,  i 

By  WILKIE 

I  AfterDark. 


Sweet  and  Twenty. 
The  Village  Comedy. 
You  Play  me  False. 
Blacksmith  and  Scholar 
Frances. 

COLLINS. 


My  Miscellanies. 
The  Woman  in  White. 
The  Moonstone. 
Man  and  Wife. 
Poor  Miss  Finch. 
The  Fallen  Leaves. 
Jezebel's  Daughter. 
The  Black  Robe. 
Heart  and  Science. 
'  I  Say  No  ! ' 
The  Evil  Genim. 
Little  Novels. 
Legacy  of  Cain. 
Blind  Love. 


Armadale. 

No  Name. 

Antonina. 

Basil. 

Hide  and  Seek. 

The  Dead  Secret. 

Queen  of  Hearts. 

Miss  or  Mrs.  ? 

The  New  Magdalen. 

The  Frozen  Deep. 

The  Law  and  the  Lady 

The  Two  Destinies. 

The  Haunted  Hotel. 

A  Rogue's  Life. 

By  M.  J.  COLQUHOUN. 

Ivery  InoU  a  Soldier. 

By   DUTTON  COOK. 

Leo.  i  Paul  Fosters  Daushter. 

By  C.  EGBERT  CRADDOCK. 

The  Prophet  of  the  Great  Smoky  Mountains. 

By  MATT  CRIM. 
The  Adventures  of  a  Fair  Rebel. 

By   B.  M.  CROKER. 

Pretty  Miss  Neville.  A  Family  Likeness. 

Diana  Barrington.  Village  Tales  and  Jungle 

'To  Let.'  Tragedies. 

A  Bird  of  Passage.  Two  Masters. 

Proper  Pride.  |  Mr.  Jervis. 

By  W.  CYPLES. 
Hearts  of  Gold. 

By  ALPHONSE   DAUDET. 

The  Evangelist ;  or,  Port  Salvation. 

By   ERASMUS  DAWSON. 

The  Fountain  of  Youth. 

By  JAMES  DE  MILLE. 

A  Castle  in  Spain. 

By  J.    LEITH   DERWENT. 

Our  Lady  of  Tears.         |  Circe  s  Lovers. 
By  CHARLES   DICKENS. 

Sketches  by  Boz. 


DONOVAN. 

Id  the  Grip  of  the  Law 
From    Information  Re- 
ceived. 
Tracked  to  Doom. 
Link  by  Link 
Suspicion  Arooaea. 
Dark  Deeds. 
Kiddles  Read. 


By    DICK 

The  Man-Hunter. 

Tracked  and  Taken. 

Caught  at  Last  I 

Wanted! 

Who    Poisoned     Hetty 

Duncan  ? 
Man  from  Manchester. 
A  Detective's  Triumphs 
The  Mystery  of  Jamaica  Terrace 

By  Mrs.  ANNIE   EDWAROES. 

A  Point  of  Honour.        I  Aichie  Loveil 

By  M.  BETHAM-EOWARD5. 

Felicia.  |  Kitty. 

By  EDWARD  EGGLESTON. 

Roxy. 

By  G.  MANVILLE   FENN. 

The  New  Mistress.  |  The  Tiger  Lily. 

Witness  to  the  Deed.        |  The  White  Virgia. 

By   PERCY  FITZGERALD. 

Bella  Donna.  i  Second  Mrs.  Tillotson. 

Never  Forgotten.  Seventy  -  five    Brooke 

Polly  Street. 

Fatal  Zero.  |  The  Lady  of  Brantom* 

By  P.  FITZGERALD  and  others. 

Strange  Secret3. 

By  ALBANY  DE   FONBLANQUE 

Filthy  Lucre.l 

E.  FRANCILLON. 

King  or  Knave? 


Romances  of  the  Law. 

Ropes  of  Sand. 

A  Dog  and  his  Shadow. 

FREDERIC 

The  Lawton  Girl 

FRERE. 


By   R. 

Olympia. 
One  by  One. 
A  Real  Queen. 
Queen  Cophetua 

By   HAROLD 

Seth's  Brother's  Wife.    I 
Prefaced   by  Sir  BARTLE 
Pandurang  Hari. 

By  HAIN  FRISWELL. 

One  of  Two. 

By  EDWARD  GARRETT 

The  Capel  Girls. 

By  GILBERT  GAUL. 

A  Strange  Manuscript. 

By  CHARLES  GIBBON. 


Robin  Gray. 

Fancy  Free. 

For  Lack  of  Gold. 

What  will  World  Say  ? 

In  Love  and  War. 

For  the  King. 

In  Pastures  Green. 

Queen  of  the  Meadow. 

A  Heart's  Problem. 

The  Dead  Heart. 


In  Honour  Bound. 
Flower  of  the  Forest. 
The  Braes  of  Yarrow. 
The  Golden  Shaft. 
Of  High  Degree 
By  Mead  and  Streara. 
Loving  a  Dream. 
A  Hard  Knot. 
Heart's  Delight. 
Blood  Money. 

By  WILLIAM  GILBERT. 

Dr.  Austin  s  Guests.        I   The     Wizard    of    the 
James  Duke.  Mountain. 

By  ERNEST  GLANVILLE, 

The  Lost  Heiress.  I   The  Fossicker. 

A  Fair  Colonist. 

By  Rev.  S.  BARING   GOULD. 

Red  Spider.  |  Eve 

By  HENRY  GREVILLE. 
A  Noble  Woman.  |   Nikanor. 

By  CECIL  GRIFFITH. 
Corinthia  Marazion. 

By  SYDNEY  GRUNDY. 
The  Days  of  his  Vanity 

By  JOHN  HABBERTON. 
Brueton  s  Bayou.  |  Country  Luck. 

By  ANDREW   HALLIDAY. 
Every  day  Papers. 

By  Lady   DUFFUS   HARDY. 
Paul  Wynter's  Sacrifice. 

By  THOMAS   HARDY. 
Under  the  Greenwood  Tree. 

By  J.  BERWICK   HARWOOD 
The  Tenth  Earl. 


CHATTO  &  WINDUS,   in  St.  Martins  Lane,   London,  W.C. 


Two-Shilling  Novels — continued. 

By  JULIAN   HAWTHORNE. 

Beatrix  Randolph. 


Garth 

EHice  Quentin. 

Fortune  s  Fool. 

Miss  Cadogna. 

Uebastian  Strome. 

Dust. 


Love— or  a  Name. 

David  Poindexter  3  Dis- 
appearance. 

The  Spectre  of  the 
Camera. 


By  Sir  ARTHUR   HELPS. 

Inn  de  Biron. 

By  G.  A.  HENTY. 

Rujub  the  Juggler. 

By   HENRY   HERMAN. 

A  Leading  Lady. 

By   HEADON   HILL. 

Eambra  the  Detective. 

By  JOHN   HILL. 

Treason  Felony. 

By  Mrs.  CASHEL  HOEY. 

The  Lover  s  Creed. 

By  Mrs.  GEO  ROE   HOOPER. 

The  House  of  Kaby. 

By  TIQHE   HOPKINS. 

Twixt  Love  and  Duty. 

By  Mrs.  HUNGERFORD. 


A  Maiden  all  Forlorn. 

In  Durance  Vile. 

Marvel. 

A  Mental  Struggle. 

A  Modern  Circe. 


Lady  Verner's  Flight 
The  Red  House  Mysteiy 
The  Three  Graces 
Unsatisfactory  Lover. 
Lady  Patty. 

By  Mrs.  ALFRED   HUNT. 

Thornicroft  a  Model.        I   Self  Condemned. 
That  Other  Person.         |  The  Leaden  Casket. 

By  JEAN   INGELOW. 

Fated  to  be  Free. 

By  WM.  JAMESON. 

My  Dead  Self. 

By   HARRIETT  JAY. 

The  Dark  Colleen.  |  Queen  of  Connaught. 

By  MARK   KERSHAW. 

Colonial  Facts  and  Fictions. 

By   R.   ASHE   KING. 

A  Drawn  Game.  I  Passion  s  Slav*. 

1  The  Wearing  of    the     Bell  Barry. 
Green.'  | 

By  EDMOND  LEPELLETIER. 

Madame  Sans  Gene. 

By  JOHN   LEYS. 

The  Lindsays. 

By   E.   LYNN    LINTON. 


Patricia  Kemball 
The  World  Well  Lost 
Under  which  Lord  1 
Paston  Carew. 
'  My  Love  I ' 
lone. 

By  HENRY 
Stdeon  Fleyce. 

By  JUSTIN 

Dear  Lady  Disdain. 
Waterdale  Neighbours. 
Mv  Enemy's  Daughter. 
A  Fair  Saxon. 
Linley  Rochford. 
Miss  Misanthrope. 

By   HUGH 
Mr.  Stranger's  Sealed  Packet 

By  GEORGE  MACDONALD. 
Heather  and  Snow. 

By  AGNES  MACDONELL. 

Quaker  Cousins 

By  KATHARINE  S.  MACQUOID. 

The  Evil  Eye.  |  Lost  Rose. 

By   W.   H.  MALLOCK. 

A  Romance  of  the  Nine-  I  The  New  Republic, 
teenth  Oertury.  | 


The  Atonement  of  Learn 

Dundas. 
With  a  Silken  Thread. 
Rebel  of  the  Family. 
Sowing  the  Wind. 
The  One  Too  Many. 
W.   LUCY. 

McCarthy. 

Camiola. 

Donna  Quixote. 

Maid  of  Athens. 

The  Comet  of  a  Season. 

Th<-  Dictator. 

Red  Di-'.mnnds. 

MACCOLL. 


By   FLORENCE   MARRYAT. 

Open  I  Sesame  I  |  A  Harvest  of  Wild  Oats 

Fighting  the  Air.  |  Written  in  Fire. 

By  J.  MASTERMAN. 

Half  a  dozen  Daughters. 

By  BRANDER  MATTHEWS 

A   Secret  of  the  Sea. 

By  L.  T.  MEADE. 

A  Soldier  of  Fortune. 

By   LEONARD   MERRICK. 

The  Man  who  was  Good. 

By  JEAN   MIDDLEMASS. 

Touch  and  Go.  |  Mr.  Doi  illion. 

By  Mrs.  MOLESWORTH. 

Hathercourt  Rectory. 

By  J.   E.   MUDDOCK. 


From  the  Bosom  of  tha 
Deep. 


Stories  Weird  and  Won 

derful. 
The  Dead  Man's  Secret 

By   D.  CHRISTIE   MURRAY 


By  the  Gate  of  the  Sea. 
A  Bit  of  Human  Nature 
First  Person  fcingul:  r. 
Bob  Martin  s  Little  Giri 
Time's  Revengrs. 
A  Wasted  Crime. 
In  Direst  Peril. 
Mount  Despaii. 


A  Model  Father. 

Josephs  Coat. 

Coals  of  Fire. 

Val  Strange.  |  Hearts. 

Old  Blazer  s  Hero. 

The  Way  of  the  World 

Cynic  Fortune. 

A  Life'3  Atonement. 

By   MURRAY   and    HERMAN 
One  Traveller  Returns.  I  The  Bishops  Bible. 
Paul  Jones  s  Alias. 

By  HENRY  MURRAY. 

A  Game  of  Bluff.  |  A  Song  of  Sixpence. 

By   HUME   NISBET. 
'Bail  Up  I'  I  Dr. Bernard  St.  Vincent 

By  W.  E.  NORRIS. 
Saint  Ann's. 

By   ALICE   O'HANLON. 
The  Unforeseen.  |  Chance  7  or  Fate  7 

By  GEORGES  OHNET. 
Dr.  Rameau.  I  A  Weird  Gift. 

A  Last  Love. 

By  Mrs.  OLIPHANT. 

Whiteladies.  I  The  Greatest  Heiress  it 

The  Primrose  Path.  England. 

By    Mrs.   ROBERT  O'REILLY. 
Phoebe  s  Fortunes. 

By  OUIDA. 


Held  in  Bondage. 

Strathmore. 

Chandos. 

Idalia 

Under  Two  Flags. 

Cecii  Castiemaine  sGage 

Truotrin. 

Puck. 

Folle  Farine. 

A  Dog  of  Flanders. 

Pascarel. 

Signa. 

Princess  Napraxine. 

In  a  Winter  City. 

Ariadne. 

Friendship. 

By   A1ARGARET  AGNES 
Gentle  and  Simple. 

By  C.  L.  PIRKIS. 
Lady  Lovelace. 

By   EDGAR   A.  POE. 
The  Mystery  of  Marie  K 

I5y  Mrs.  CAMPBELL   PRAED. 

The  Romance  of  a  Station. 
The  Soul  of  Countess  Adrian. 
Out  aw  find  Lawmaker. 
Christina  Chard. 

By   E.  C.  PRICE. 
Valentlna.  I   Mrs.  Lancaster  »  Rival 

The  Foreigners.  |  Gerald. 

By   RICHARD   I'RVCE. 

Miss  Maxwells  Affectioui. 


Two  Lit. Wooden  Shoes 

Moth3. 

Bimbi. 

Pipistrello. 

A  Vil.age  Commune. 

Wanda. 

Othmar 

Frescoes. 

I  "iiima. 

Guilderoy. 

I 

Byr  in. 

Santa  Barbara. 

Two  Offenders. 

.     Wiidom.    Wit 
and  Pathos. 

PAUL. 


3» 


CHATTO  &  WINDUS,  m  St.  Martin's  Lane,  London,  W.C. 


Two-Shilltng  Novels — continued. 
By  JAMES  PAYN. 


Bentinck's  Tutor 

Murphy's  Master. 

A  County  Family. 

At  Her  Mercy. 

Cecils  Tryst. 

The  Clyffards  of  Clyffe 

The  Foster  Brothers. 

Found  Dead. 

The  Best  of  Husbands. 

Walters  Word 

Halves. 

Fallen  Fortunes. 

Humorous  Storiei, 

£200  Reward. 

A  Marine  Residence. 

Mirk  Abbey 

By  Proxy. 

Under  One  Roof. 

High  Spirits. 

Carlyon  s  Year. 

From  Exile. 

For  Cash  Only. 

Kit. 

The  Canon's  Ward. 


The  Talk  of  the  Town. 
Holiday  Tasks. 
A  Perfect  Treasure. 
What  He  Cost  Her. 
A  Confidential  Agent. 
Glowworm  Tales. 
The  Burnt  Million. 
Sunny  Stories. 
Lost  Sir  Mass'ngberd. 
A  Woman's  Vengeance. 
The  Family  Scapegrace. 
Gwendoline's  Harvest. 
Like  Father.  Like  Son. 
Married  Ber, eath  Him. 
Not  Wooed,  but  Won. 
Less  Black  than  We're 

Painted. 
Some  Private  Views. 
A  Grape  from  a  Thorn. 
The   Mystery  of  Mir- 

bridge. 
The  Word  and  the  Will. 
A  Prince  of  the  Blood. 
A  Trying  Patient. 

By  CHARLES   READE. 


It  is  Never  Too  Late  to 

Mend. 
Christie  Johnstone. 
The  Double  Marriage. 
Put    Yourself   in    His 

Place 
Love  Me    Little,   Love 

Me  Long. 
The  Cloister  and    the 

Hearth. 
The    Course    of    True 

Love. 
The  Jilt. 
The  Autobiography  of 

a  Thief. 

By  Mrs.  J. 

Weird  Stories. 
Fairy  Water. 
Her  Mother  s  Darling. 
The  Prince  of  Wales's 
Garden  Party. 

By  AMELIE  RIVES. 

Barbara  Dering. 

By  F.  W.  ROBINSON. 

Women  are  Strange.      |  The  Hands  of  Justice. 

By  JAMES  RUNCIMAN. 

Skippers  and  Shellbacks.  |  Schools  and  Scholars. 
Grace  Balmaigns  Sweetheart. 

By  W.  CLARK   RUSSELL. 

Round  the  Galley  Fire.      The  Romance  of  Jenny 


A  Terrible  Temptation. 

Foul  Play. 

The  Wandering  Heir. 

Hard  Cash. 

Singleheart  and  Double- 
face. 

Good  Stories  of  Man  and 
other  Animals. 

Peg  Woffington. 

Grimth  Gaunt. 

A  Perilous  Secret. 

A  Simpleton. 

Readiana. 

A  Woman  Hater. 

H.  RIDDELL. 

The  Uninhabited  H0U36. 
The  Mystery  in  Palace 

Gardens. 
The  Nun  s  Curse. 
Idle  Tales. 


On  the  Fo'k'sle  Head. 

In  the  Middle  Watch. 

A  Voyage  to  the  Cape. 

A  Book   for  the  Ham- 
mock. 

The    Mystery    of   the 
'  Ocean  Star.' 

By  DORA 

A  Country  Sweetheart. 
By  GEORQE  AUGUSTUS  SALA. 

Gaslight  and  Daylight. 

By  JOHN   SAUNDERS. 

Guy  Waterman.  1  The  Lion  in  the  Path. 

The  Two  Dreamers. 

By  KATHARINE  SAUNDERS. 


Harlowe. 
An  Ocean  Tragedy. 
My  Shipmate  Louise. 
Alone  onWideWide  Sea. 
The   Good   Ship    'Mo- 
hock.' 
The  Phantom  Death. 
RUSSELL. 


Joan  Merryweather. 
The  High  Mills. 
Heart  Salvage. 


Sebastian. 
Margaret 
beth. 


and   Eliza- 


By  GEORGE   R.  SIMS. 


The  Ring  o  Bells, 
Mary  Jane  s  Memoirs, 
Mary  Jane  Married. 
Tales  of  To  day. 
Dramas  of  Life. 
Tinkletop's  Crime. 

By  ARTHUR  SKETCHLEY. 
A  Match  in  the  Dark. 


My  Two  Wives. 

Zeph. 

Memoirs  of  a  Landlady. 

Scenes  from  the  Show. 

The  10  Commandments. 

Dagonet  Abroad. 


By  HAWLEY 

Without  Love  or  Licence. 
The  Plunger. 
Beatrice  and  Benedick. 
By  T.  VV. 
The  Mysteries  of  Heron 

Dyke. 
The  Golden  Hoop. 
Hoodwinked. 
By  Devious  Ways. 

By  ALAN 
A  Fellow  of  Trinity. 
The  Junior  Dean. 
Master  of  St.Benedict's 


SMART. 


SPEIGHT. 

Back  to  Life. 
The  LoudwaterTiagedy 
Burgo  s  Romance. 
Quittance  in  Full. 
A  Husband  from  the  Ses 
ST.  AUBYN. 
To  His  Own  Master. 
Orchard  Damerel. 
In  the  Face  of  the  World. 


By  R.  A.  STERNDALE. 

The  Afghan  Knife. 

By   R.  LOUIS  STEVENSON. 

New  Arabian  Nights. 

By  BERTHA  THOMAS. 

Cressida.  I  The  Violin  Play  ear. 

Proud  Maisie. 

By  WALTER  THORNBURY. 

Tales  for  the  Marines.    I  Old  Stories  Retold. 

By  T.  ADOLPHUS  TROLLOPE. 

Diamond  Cat  Diamond. 

By  F.  ELEANOR  TROLLOPE. 

Like   Ships    upon   the  I  Anne  Furness. 
Sea.  |  Mabel's  Progress. 

By  ANTHONY  TROLLOPE. 


Fran  Frohmann. 
Marion  Fay. 
Kept  in  the  Dark. 
John  Caldigate. 
The  Way  We  Live  Now. 


The  Land-Leaguers. 
The  American  Senator. 
Mr.     Scarboroughs 

Family. 
GoldenLion  of  Granper« 


Life  on  the  Mississippi 

The  Prince  and  the 
Pauper. 

A  Yankee  at  the  Court 
of  King  Arthur. 

The  £1,000,000  Bank- 
Note. 


By  J.  T.  TROWBRIDGE. 

Farnell's  Folly. 

By  IVAN  TURGENIEFF,  &c 

Stories  from  Foreign  Novelists. 

By  MARK  TWAIN. 

A  Pleasnre  Trip  on  the 

Continent. 
The  Gilded  Age. 
Huckleberry  Finn. 
MarkTwain's  Sketches. 
Tom  Sawyer. 
A  Tramp  Abroad.. 
Stolen  White  Elephant. 

By  C.  C.  FRASER=TYTLER 

Mistress  Judith. 

By   SARAH 
The  Bride  s  Pass. 
Buried  Diamonds. 
St.  Mungo's  City. 
Lady  Bell. 
Noblesse  Oblige. 
Disappeared. 

By  ALLEN 
The  Queen  against  Owen 

'God  Save  the  Queen  1  ■ 

By  AARON  WATSON  and  LILL1AS 

WASSERMANN. 
The  Marquis  of  Carabas. 

By  WILLIAM  WESTALL. 
Trust-Money. 

By  Mrs.  F.  H.  WILLIAMSON. 
A  Child  Widow. 

By  J.  S.  WINTER. 
Cavalry  Life.  |  Regimental  Legecd*. 

By  H.  F.  WOOD. 
The  Passenger  from  Scotland  Yard. 
The  Englishman  of  the  Rue  Cain. 

By  Lady  WOOD. 
Sabina. 
By  CELIA  PARKER  WOOLLEY. 

Rachel  Armstrong  ;  or,  Love  and  Theology. 

By  EDMUND  YATES. 

The  Forlorn  Hope.  I  Castaway. 

Land  at  Last. 

By  I.  ZANGWILL. 

Ghetto  Tragedies. 


TYTLER. 

The  Huguenot  Fam 
The  Blackhall  Ghost! 
What  SheCarceXhrougi 
Beauty  and  the  Beast, 
Citoyenne  Ja<jueline. 

UPWARD. 

|  Prince  of  Balklstaa. 


>ugk 


OGDEN,  SMALE  AND  CO.  LIMITED,  PRINTERS,  GREAT  SAFFRON   HILL,  B.C. 


yyHUBugt 


■H 


THE  LIBRARY 
UNIVERSITY  OF  CALIFORNIA 

Santa  Barbara 


M 


THIS  BOOK  IS  DUE  ON  THE  LAST  DATE 
STAMPED  BELOW. 


JUN1    1984 


7 


Series  9482 


I 


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